of the crown, and of the people, fome mode of home fecurity and defence must be adopted in their abfence. What other could have been found fo proper, and fo conftitutional as the prefent? Would those who stigmatize the measure of fending a few battalions of Hanoverians (who though foreigners, are the King's fubjects, and of course our natural friends) to ftrengthen the garrifons of Gibraltar and Minorca, would they recommend the introduction of foreigners into England, or would they with, that our ports, our docks, the capital, and the kingdom itself, fhould be open to the enterprize, and fubject to the mercy, of any infidious enemy that might chufe to take an advantage of our defencelefs fituation? Could any thing be more pleafing to Englifhmen, than that the defence of their country should reft upon themselves only? Or could his Majefty give a more ftriking inftance of the unbounded confidence which he placed in their zeal, affection, and loyalty, than by repofing the protection of his crown, perfon, and kingdom, in the gentlemen of England?

This debate was by degrees drawn off from the main fubject to that of the late addreffes to the throne; a matter which had been continually agitated fince the opening of the feffion, and which now produced more warm animadverfion, and pointed altercation, than any other which occurred in its course. Besides the general cenfure which the oppolition paffed upon these pieces of ministerial craft and manufacture, (which they affected to call and confider them,) for the indecency and fcurrility of

their language, the falsehood of their charges, and the dangerous tendency of their implications and threats, an addrefs from the firft battalion of Devonshire militia, in which they made a tender of their pertonal fervice against all internal enemies, afforded an opportunity of bringing the matter home to the prefent queftion, by fhewing the danger of intrusting the fword to a militia upon the new conftruction, when a part even of the old, which feemed more immediately in the hands of the people, was fo managed, as wantonly to propose its application to the most fatal purpoles.

That those who were entrusted with arms by the conftitution for purposes of national defence, were to use them only in the manner prefcribed, and under the powers ordained by that authority. They were, as a militia, to hold no opinion as to time or place, fitness or neceffity; they were to obey the orders which they received,' not to say what thofe orders should be; they were to fecond and fupport the execution of the law, not to declare what was the law; much less to dictate in great political and legislative queftions. Thefe gentlemen, they faid, come uncalled, with drawn fwords in their hands, to make a tender of them; against whom are are these fwords to be employed? not against the natural enemies of this country, nor even against their unfortunate fellow-fubjects in America; bat against internal enemies; that is, against all thofe throughout the kingdom, who happen to differ with them in political opinion; and more immediately and particularly against thofe gentlemen,

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who

To these fevere ftrictures it was replied, that the public addreffes from London and Middlesex to the electors and freeholders of England, rendered it neceffary for thofe who were well affected to go vernment to make as public an avowal of their fentiments and principles, thereby to vindicate the character of the nation, and to prevent his Majefty, and the world at large, from being deceived, with refpect to the general difpofition of the people. That letters from a fociety in London, which called itfelf conftitutional, had been circulated with great induftry, recommending to the people to enter into affociations in the different counties and towns, and citing as an example, and affigning as a motive, the fuccefs which had attended fuch a practice in bringing about the Revolution. That plain country gentlemen, who do not trouble themfelves much with nice diftinctions, and are not at all verfed in fubtilties, thought that nothing lefs could be intended by thefe propofals than another Revolution; and that in fuch circumftances, the officers of the firft regiment of Devonshire militia, not only thought it justifiable, but highly neceffary, to make a public profeffion of their loyalty and affection to the fovereign, attachment to government, and refolu tion to defend both. That it was a new doctrine, and peculiar to the present times, to confider loyalty, and an attachment to the conftitution and government, as crimes, or

The question being at length put upon the fecond reading of the Militia Bill, it was carried upon a divifion by the vast majority of 259, to 50 only, who opposed the measure.

Nov. 1ft.

A debate arose about the fame time, on laying the army eftimates for the enfuing year before the house, the oppofition preffing very closely for information, as to the number, condition, and fituation of the troops now in America, whilst the minifters, as ufual in this business, refufed the fatisfaction required. This occafioned a motion, That there be laid before the house an account of the last returns of the number of effective men, in the feveral regiments and corps in his Majesty's fervice, ferving in North America, together with a ftate of the fick and wounded; distinguishing the feveral places where the faid troops are stationed.

This motion was oppofed as being unfupported by precedent; and that the calling for the returns of an army in time of war, by a refolution of the house, would establish one highly inconvenient and dangerous. That the return of an army, includes the most aceurate and authentic account of every particular relative to it. Could it be proper or fafe to publifh fuch a ftate, to furnish fuch information, while the enemy was in the field? while he was in a ftate to convert fuch intelligence to the higheft advantage? No minifters could pretend to carry on the public bufinefs, if any gentleman had a right to demand and obtain fuch information. If mi

nifters

nifters act badly, they fhould be turned out of their places; and not to ruin the public fervice, and deftroy all confidence in them while in office, by cailing for improper

accounts.

On the other fide it was afferted, that a precedent was fo far from being wanting, that it was to be found just at hand, and no longer ago than the affair of the Caribs at St. Vincent's. That information was now indifpenfably neceffary, as it was acknowledged that the officers of the crown had hitherto been deceived themselves, and deceived parliament, for want of it. That the pretence of danger, from the enemy's becoming mafter of our fecrets, was too ridiculous to deferve a serious anfwer. Could any body be weak enough to imagine, that the returns of three months ftanding from America, and received from. this by Washington three months hence, could afford him any information relative to the army at Bofton? He has them every day under his eye. But it is not from the enemy, they faid, but from parliament, that the true ftate of the troops is to be withheld.

How can we pretend to judge of the propriety or fufficiency of the eftimates for future fervice, of the number of new forces which we fhould vote for, without knowing the ftate of those which we have already? But, faid they, was the fair truth to be laid before the houfe, the demands of minifters would be found inconfiftent with the facts they produced. This was the cafe laft feffion; they kept back all information, and impofed on the house, in order to get the cry

of the people before the extent of the evil was known. The question being then put, was rejected upon a divifion by a majority of 170, to 63, who fupported the motion.

A motion was then made from the Admiralty in the Committee of Supply, that 28,000 feamen, including 6,665 marines, fhould be voted for the fervice of the epfuing year. This was accompanied with a general outline of the fervices to which the navy fhould be applied; particularly, that the fleet on the North-American ftation fhould amount to feventyeight fail. One of the first and moft diftinguished of our naval commanders oppofed this motion, as the force, he said, was much too great for a peace establishment, and totally inadequate to a war. He fhewed, that the number of fhips defigned for the American service, would demand fo great a proportion of the complement of feamen propofed, that our coafts at home must be left naked, and defenceless, in a season of fuch imminent peril and danger, or that our West-India iflands, and all other diftant fervices, muft be wholly abandoned. He alfo arraigned, in the most unequivocal terms, the prefent government and conduct of our naval affairs, which he reprefented to be fuch as not only merited much reprehenfion, but an immediate change of fyftem, to prevent the most dangerous confequences.

Administration defended itfelf upon the circumstances of the time which required a great fleet in America; while the state of affairs in Europe did not call for the fame exertion at home. The profeffions of the neighbouring courts were pacific and friendly; and [F] 4

what

what was of more weight than profeffions, their armaments were not unusual or confiderable. It was not fitting to alarm them by unneceffary preparations, which would juftify them in arming on their fide; and thus, by an injudicious fhew of apprehenfion, we might be brought into real danger, and certain expence. That the guardships were fo many, fo well appointed, and on a fhort notice could be fo well manned, as to be much fuperior to what any other power could bring against us. This would keep us in a refpectable fituation, without overflraining our national refources. 7th.

A few days after, a gentleman in oppofition made a motion for an address to his Majefty, that the commiffioners ap. pointed to act in America, for the purposes held out in the fpeech, fhould be authorized to receive proposals for conciliation, from any general convention, congrefs or other collective body, that should be found to convey the fentiments of one or more of the continental colonies, fufpending all enquiry into the legal or illegal forms under which fuch colony or colonies may be difpofed to treat; " as the most effectual means to prevent the effufion of blood, and to reconcile the honour and permanent intereft of Great Britain with the requifitions of his Majefty's American fubjects."

The gentleman introduced his motion with a fpeech, in which he thewed from a number of authorities both in the ancient and modern part of our history, that it was not only customary with the crown to treat with conventions of the people, which were affembled

without any of the legal forms; but that fuch affemblies, in the name and under the authority of the people, had feveral times difpofed of the crown itself, a right which our Kings fully acknowledged, by moft thankfully receiving it at their hands.

From thefe and various other precedents he argued and inferred, that it was no diminution of dignity in the crown or parliament to treat with the American convention, under whatever forms or denominations they were held. And in further fupport of his position, brought the remarkable inftance of the most powerful and arbitrary monarch in Europe, Lewis the XIVth, who did not difdain to enter into and conclude a treaty negociated by two Marshals of France, with a contemptible handful of rebellious Cevennois, and their leader, the fon of a baker, whofe name is perpetuated to pofterity, by being fubfcribed to the fame inftrument which bears the fignature of the haughty Lewis.

The motion was feconded, but produced little or no debate. It was faid, in general, that peace was much to be wished for; but that the entering into any treaty with the Cor grefs, would be an acknowledgment of its being a legal affembly, which muft, of courfe, determine the whole queftion of difpute in favour of America. For if that meeting was legal, our whole conduct must have been a course of injuftice. That it was more confonant with the dignity of parliament to find fome other method; that by waiting a little, fuch an opportunity might offer; and that, at worst, it would be time enough to apply to this as

the

the laft refort. The question being put, it passed in the negative without a divifion.

8th. On the following day, the minifter in the war department laid the estimates of the land. fervice for the enfuing year before the Committee of Supply. These estimates exceeded two millions, including the ftaff, the difference between the English and Irish eftablishment in the pay of the latter, the pay of the five Hanoverian battalions, near 100,cool. levy-money, and the extraordinary unprovided expences of the ordnance in the preceding year, which, notwithstanding the limited fphere of fervice, amounted to 223,6551. His Lordship fhewed, that the whole force appointed for the landservice, abroad and at home, would amount to about 55,000 men, of which upwards of 25,000 would be employed in America. He acknowledged, that though this was the general arrangement, he was forry to fay it was only on paper, for that scarcely any of the corps were completed to their full complement. He faid, that no means had been untried to remedy this defect. That the bounty had been raised, and the ftandard lowered; attempts had been made to enlift Irish Roman Catholics, and to incorporate foreigners fingly into the British regiments; but all failed of the expected effect, and the recruiting fervice ftill went on very flowly. He endeavoured to obviate the popular obfervation which had been fo often repeated, and he knew would be now renewed, that the difficulty, or rather impracticability of procuring men, proceeded from the abhorrence, with which the people in general

regarded the prefent odious civil war. He mentioned several caufes for this flacknefs, but refted chiefly on the flourishing state of our manufactures, (notwithstanding the predictions of oppofition) which, whilst it brought a temporary diftrefs on the fervice, was a proof of the real ftrength of the kingdom, and its ability fully to fupport this or any war.

He also threw out, without pretending, however, to any abfolute authority, that every idea of taxing America, was now entirely given up; and that the only remaining confideration was to fecure the conftitutional dependency of that country. That this could only be effected by fuch a conduct, as fhewed the most determined refolution of maintaining our conftitutional rights, and that for this purpofe it was intended to fend out fuch an armament, as would be fufficient to enforce them, if America fhould still perfift in her difobedience.

That this armament would be attended with commiffioners, who should be furnished with powers to accommodate matters; and that a great military officer, who flood high in the esteem both of his fovereign and the nation, was intended to be the first commiffioner.

Some of the country gentlemen, as well as the oppofition in general, were much diffatisfied at not being able to obtain any information from the minifter relative to his intended operations, whether with refpect to the meafures for bringing about an accommodation, or for the profecution of the war. The former faid, they voted with him for the militia and the augmentation of the navy, in a firm perfuafion,