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adopt less sanguinary measures with his revolted subjects, made even the keenest advocates for the papacy to stifle their resentments, and take no notice of the offensive expressions.

Having exhibited to you the state of the papal claims of jurisdiction over the clergy, at that most memorable era, the reformation in the sixteenth century, I shall now attempt to convey some idea of the claims then advanced in behalf of the clergy, in the first instance, and ultimately of the pope, in whom they all terminated, over the laity, especially over the secular powers. For this purpose, I shall here lay before you the scheme prepared in the same convention, for the reformation of princes and civil magistrates, which, though in the situation of things at that time, and on account of the strenuous opposition from the temporal powers, it was not found convenient to push, yet has never been departed from, nor abandoned, by those of that establishment; on the contrary, the several articles have, for ages, afforded matter of contention and struggles in all nations of christendom. Much has been attained, and hardly has a proper opportunity been omitted of asserting even the most extravagant of them. The bill prepared for this purpose, contained a preamble, thirteen decrees, and a conclusion. It was in substance as follows:

The council, beside the statutes enacted for reforming persons ecclesiastical, have judged it their duty to reform also secular persons of those abuses, which have been introduced against the immunities of the church, confident that princes will acquiesce, and cause due obedience to be rendered to the clergy. To this end they are admonished, before other things, to oblige their magistrates, delegates, and other temporal lords, to render their pastors that obedience, which those princes themselves are bound to perform to the sovereign pontiff, and for this purpose anew enforces whatever has been decreed by the sacred canons, and the imperial laws in favour of ecclesias tical immunities, which ought to be observed by all under pain of anathema. The principal decrees are the following: that persons ecclesiastical, even though their clerical title should be doubtful, and though they themselves should consent, cannot, under any pretext, even that of publick utility, be judged in a secular judicatory. Even in cases of notorious assassination, or other excepted cases, their prosecution must be preceded by a declaration of the bishop of the diocese. That in causes spiritual, matrimonial, those of heresy, tithes, &c. civil, criminal, mixed, belonging to the ecclesiastical court, as well over persons as over goods, tenths, &c. pertaining to the church, the temporal judge cannot intermeddle, notwithstanding any appeal, &c.; and those who, in such causes, shall recur to the

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secular power, shall be excommunicated, and deprived of the rights contended for. Secular men cannot constitute judges in causes ecclesiastical, and clergymen, who shall accept such offices from lavmen, shall be suspended from orders, deprived of benefices and incapacitated. The secular cannot command the ecclesiastical judge not to excommunicate without licence, or to revoke, or suspend, an excommunication fulminated. No king or emperour can make edicts, relating to causes or persons ecclesiastical, or intermeddle with their jurisdiction, or even with the inquisition, but are obliged to lend their arm to the ecclesiastical judges when called on. Rulers may not put their hand to the fruits of vacant benefices, under pretence of custody, protection, &c.; secular persons, who shall accept such offices, shall be excommunicated, and clergymen suspended and deprived. Ecclesiasticks shall not be constrained to pay taxes, excise, &c. not even under the name of free gifts, or loans, either for patrimonial goods, or the goods of the church. The letters, sentences, and citations, of the ecclesiastick judges, especially of the court of Rome, shall, immediately on being exhibited, be, without exception, intimated and executed, &c. If there be any doubt that the letters are forged, or that tumults will arise, the bishop, as apostolick delegate, may order the needful precautions. Princes and magistrates shall not quarter their officers, &c. on the houses, or monasteries of ecclesiasticks, nor draw thence aught for victuals, or passage money. There were several other articles of the same stamp, which it is not necessary to enumerate. The above will sufficiently serve for a specimen.

By way of conclusion, there was an admonition to all princes, to have in veneration the things which are of ecclesiastical right, as pertaining to God, and not to allow others herein to offend, renewing all the constitutions of sovereign pontiffs, and sacred canons in favour of ecclesiastical immunities; commanding, under pain of anathema, that, neither directly nor indirectly, under any pretence, aught be enacted or executed against ecclesiastical persons, or goods, or against their liberty; any privilege or immemorial exemption to the 'contrary notwithstanding.

Such was the famous bill of rights, (if I may so express myself) of the clergy of christendom in the sixteenth century, on which I shall beg leave to make a few remarks. In the first place, it is evident, that these articles imply a total independence of the ecclesiastick on the secular powers, inasmuch as the latter could, on this plan, use no coercive measures, either for preventing the commission of crimes by the former, or for punishing them when committed, could not, even for

the eviction of civil debts, or discharge of lawful obligations, affect the clergy either in person, or in property, moveable or immovable, could exact from them no aid for the exigencies of the state, however urgent. Now allowing that the independence were equal on both sides, it might admit a question, whether it be possible that two such independent states, whereof the subjects of each live together as members of the same community, and are blended in all the ordinary duties and concerns of life, could subsist any time on that footing. I observe, secondly, that the independence was solely on the side of the clergy. The laity could not, by their civil sanctions, affect the clergy without their own concurrence; but the clergy, both by their civil and by their religious sanctions, could affect the laity, and, in spite of their opposition, whilst the people had any religion, bring the most obstinate to their terms. The civil judge could not compel a clergyman to appear before his tribunal, the ecclesiastick judge could compel a layman, and did, daily, compel such to appear before him. And in all the interferings and disputes between individuals of the different orders, the clerical only could decide. The ecclesiastick powers could command the aid of the secular, the secular could not that of the ecclesiastical. I observe, thirdly, that though the kinds of power, in the different orders, were commonly distinguished into spiritual and temporal, the much greater part of the power of ecclesiasticks was strictly temporal. Matters spiritual are those only of faith and manners, and the latter only as manners, that is, as influencing opinion, wounding charity, or raising scandal. Whereas, under the general term spiritual, they had got included the more important part of civil matters also, affairs matrimonial and testamentary, questions of legitimacy and succession, covenants and conventions, and wherever the interposition of an oath was customary. Add to these, that they were the sole arbiters of the rights avowedly civil of the church and churchmen, and in every thing wherein these had, in common with laymen, any share or concern. Though these privileges (weakly called immunities, since they imply dominion) had, for centuries, been claimed by the clerical order, many of them in most countries actually obtained, and the rest made matter of incessant broils and contentions; yet all of them were never any where acquiesced in by the secular powers. Had they, indeed, admitted them in their full extent, the abolition of the secular authority would have quickly ensued ; the priesthood would have engrossed every thing. Christendom would have then become in a sense very different from that of the apostle, a royal priesthood, or, as some like to ren

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der his words, a kingdom of priests. In scripture the church is so denominated in the same sense, wherein it is said of all christians without exception; that they are made kings and priests to God; because all have free access to him through the blood of his Son; not because our instructors in holy things, men specially called to be ensamples to the flock, in faith and patience, in resignation and humility, were constituted lords with plenary power, both temporal and spiritual, over God's heritage. I observe, in the last place, that an ordinary reader, who has not entered thoroughly into the spirit of those times, cannot fail to be exceedingly surprised, (as I acknowledge I was myself) on the first perusal of the aforesaid overtures. They are ushered in as pious resolutions to be adopted by the council, for the reformation of princes and secular persons. One is naturally led to expect, that in such a writing, calculated purely to reform the great, their faults will, with christian freedom, but in the spirit of meekness, be animadverted on; that one shall find a just censure on the pride, the luxury, the impiety, the extortion, the envy, the revenge, and the other vices which so often abound among those in high rank and authority; or that one shall see branded with proper severity, that unchristian ambition, which leads sovereigns so often, though fellow-christians in profession, to make war on one another, on the most trivial pretences, to the destruction of one moiety of their subjects, the oppression of the other, and dishonour of the christian name. But not a syllable of these. Was there nothing of this kind, then, among the powers of Europe? Never, perhaps, was there more. Yet this venerable body seemed to think, that there was nothing in their earthly potentates which would need correction, were they sufficiently submissive to their ghostly fathers, the bishops and the priests, that is, in effect, would they but resign to them their whole authority, and consent to become their humble slaves, a virtue, it seems, more successful, in the eyes of their reverences, than charity itself in covering

sins.

In the same spirit, the seventeenth canon of general reformation, passed in the last session of that council, has these words: "Against those bishops, who in church, or out of it, "behave themselves meanly towards the ministers of kings,

persons of quality, and barons, and with too much indignity, "not only give place to them, but do them personal service, "the synod, detesting this conduct, and renewing the canons "concerning the decorum of episcopal dignity, commands "bishops to beware of such practices, and every where to 66 challenge due respect to their degree, remembering they

are pastors; and also commands princes and all others to "bear them the honour and reverence due to fathers." How high their claims went, we learn from a canon of the council of Troyes, in the ninth century, which orders, that no man shall presume to sit in the presence of a bishop, unless he command it. We know who they were in ancient times that sought honour one of another, who affected the principal seats in the synagogues, and the uppermost rooms at feasts, who loved greetings in the markets, and to be called of men, Rabbi, Rabbi. We know also who it was that expressly prohibited, amongst his disciples, such unbecoming emulation and worldly vanity, who enjoined them not to seek honour from men, or to contend who, in the judgment of men, should be greatest, but to seek that honour only which cometh from God; we know also who it was that made usefulness the standard of greatness, and pronounced him to be possessed of the highest dignity, who is most humble and most serviceable; who, instead of courting, is solicitous to avoid such enviable distinctions. On which of these models the convention at Trent, and other preceding councils, were formed, I shall leave to the candid and impartial to determine. I shall conclude this lecture with a story, homely indeed, but apposite: An English country parson was bragging, in a large company, of the success he had had in reforming his parishioners, on whom his labours, he said, had produced a wonderful change to the better. Being asked in what respect, he replied, that when he came first among them, they were a set of unmannerly clowns, who paid him no more deference than they did to one another, did not so much as pull off their hat when they spoke to him, but bawled out as roughly and familiarly as though he were their equal; whereas now, they never presumed to address him but cap in hand, and, in a submissive voice, made him their best bow, when they were at ten yards distance, and styled him your reverence, at every word. A Quaker, who had heard the whole patiently, made answer: "And so, friend, the upshot of this reformation, of "which thou hast so much carnal glorying, is, that thou hast "taught thy people to worship thyself." So much for clerical and papal claims. But, in order to know more exactly the state of those times, we must be acquainted with the senti ments of both sides on every principal question. I shall, therefore, in my next lecture, take notice of the reception, which those articles of reformation I have read to you, met with from the secular powers.

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