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ple's making humility the subject of their vanity, and mortification the ground of their pride. The pharisees were ostentatious of their dirty and disfigured faces when they fasted, and there are even some christian sects who seem to make the

pharisees, in this respect, their pattern. The pope always since, to this day, introduces his bulls with the modest title assumed by Gregory. One would expect from it, that they should consist only of entreaties, and lowly petitions, to those whom he acknowledges to be his superiours, and his masters. Instead of this, you find him commanding imperiously, even with menaces, denunciations, and curses. Is this like a servant to his masters? If we could consider the title, therefore, as any thing but words, we should pronounce the using it as a sort of refinement in the display of power; adding insult to tyranny, like those despots, who, when they are inflicting tortures on their slave, mock him with the title of sovereign and lord.

About this time the emperour Mauricius, whom the pope could by no arts prevail on to enter into his views, nay, whom he found rather favourable to the use of a title, by which an honourable distinction was conferred on the bishop of the imperial residence, was first dethroned, and then murdered, by a centurion, one of his subjects and soldiers, who usurped his throne. The usurper Phocas (for that was his name) was a man stained with those vices, which serve most to blacken human nature. Other tyrants have been cruel from policy, and through want of regard to justice and humanity; the cruelties of Phocas are not to be accounted for, but on the hypothesis of the most diabolical and disinterested malice. Witness the inhuman manner wherein he massacred five of his predecessor's children, all that were then in his power, before the eyes of the unhappy father, whom he reserved to the last, that he might be a spectator of the destruction of his family before his death. The slaughter of the brother, and of the only remaining son of the emperour Mauricius, with all the patricians of any name who adhered to his interest, the methods by which Phocas got the empress Constantina, and her three daughters, into his power, with the murder of whom he closed the bloody scene, manifest a mind totally corrupted, incapable of being wrought upon by any principle of religion, sense of justice, or sentiment of humanity.

Unluckily for the Constantinopolitan patriarch, the innocent consort of his late sovereign, with the three princesses, her daughters, had taken refuge in one of the churches of the city. The prelate, moved partly by compassion to the royal sufferers, partly by the reverence of the place, would not permit them to be dragged by force from their asylum; but defended

them, whilst there, with great spirit and resolution. The ty rant, one of the most vindictive and inexorable of mankind, and who could therefore ill brook this spirited opposition from the priest, thought it prudent then to dissemble his resentment, as it would have been exceedingly dangerous, in the beginning of his reign, to alarm the church. And he well knew how im portant and even venerable a point it was accounted, to preserve inviolate the sacredness of such sanctuaries. He desisted, therefore, from using force; and, by means of the most solemn oaths, and promises of safety, prevailed at length upon the ladies to quit their asylum. In consequence of which, they soon after became the helpless victims of his fury, and suffered on the same spot whereon the late empereur, and five of his sons, had been murdered a short while before.

Now what should we expect would be the reception, which the accounts of this unnatural rebellion, the dethronement of Mauricius, the horrid butchery of the whole imperial family, the usurpation and coronation of such a sanguinary fiend as Phocas, would meet with at Rome, from a man so celebrated for piety, equity, and mildness of disposition, as pope Gregory? Look into his letters of congratulation on the occasion, and you will find them stuffed with the most nauseous adulation. Were we to learn the character of Phocas only from St. Gregory, we should conclude him to have been rather an angel than a man. But if we recur to facts, if we take our Saviour's rule, and judge of the tree by the fruits, (and I know no rule we can so safely follow) we shall rather conclude him to have been a devil incarnate. The actions, on which this judgment is founded, are not only incontrovertible, but uncontroverted. You may read the account that is given of the earliest and the principal of these murders, by Gregory himself, in the preamble to the eleventh book of his epistles; where, to say the truth, they are recited with as much coolness, as though they were matters of the utmost indifference, and as though religion and morality could be nowise affected by such enormities.

Observe, then, in what manner the sanctity of a Gregory congratulates the blood-thirsty, but successful, rebel, regicide, and usurper. I shall give you a specimen of his manner in his own words (L. 11, Ep. 36.) The classical scholar will make the proper allowances for the low latinity of the seventh dentury. "Gregorius Phocæ Augusto." His exordium is," "Gloria in excelsis Deo, qui juxta quod scriptum est, mutat "tempora et transfert regna: et quia hoc cunctis innotuit,' quod per prophetam suum loqui dignatus est, dicens. Quia "dominatur excelsus in regno hominum, et cui voluerit, ipse "dat illud." After this preamble, he observes, that God, in

his incomprehensible providence, sometimes sends kings to afflict his people, and punish them for their sins. This, says he, we have known of late to our woful experience. Sometimes, on the other hand, God, in his mercy, raises good men to the throne for the relief and exultation of his servants. Then applying his remark to the present juncture, he adds, "De qua exultationis abundantia, roborari nos citius credi"mus, qui benignitatem pietatis vestræ ad imperiale fasti gium pervenisse gaudemus."-Then breaking out in a rapture, no longer to be restrained, he exclaims, "Lætentur cœli "et exultet terra, et de vestris benignis actibus, universæ rei"publicæ populus nunc usque vehementer afflictus hilarescat. "Comprimantur jugo dominationis vestræ superbæ mentes "hostium. Releventur vestrâ misericordia contriti et depres"si animi subjectorum." Proceeding to paint their former miseries, he concludes with wishing, that the commonwealth may long enjoy the present happiness. A few instances, and but a few, of the benignity, and piety, and mercy, of this emperour, here so highly extolled by Gregory, may be learnt from the treatment above related, given to his predecessor's family. Another letter to Phocas, written soon after, the pope begins in this manner. (Ep. 43.)" Considerare cum "gaudiis et magnis actionibus gratiarum libet, quantas omni"potenti Domino laudes debemus, quod remoto jugo, tristitia "ad libertatis tempora sub imperiali benignitatis vestræ pietater "pervenimus." His not having a nuncio at Constantinople,at the time of the emperour's accession, he excuses from the insupportable tyranny of the former reign, and concludes in this. manner: "Sancta itaque Trinitas vitam vestram per tempora "longa custodiat, ut de bono vestræ pietatis quod tarde susci "pimus diutius gaudeamus.

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"As a subject, and a christian," says Mr. Gibbon*, "it έσ was the duty of Gregory to acquiesce in the established. 46 government; but the joyful applause with which he salutes

the fortune of the assassin, has sullied with indelible disgrace, "the character of the saint. The successour of the apostles "might have inculcated, with decent firmness, the guilt of "blood, and the necessity of repentance: he is content to cele "brate the deliverance of the people, and the fall of the oppressor; to rejoice that the piety and benignity of "Phocas have been raised by Providence to the imperial "throne; to pray that his hands may be strengthened against "all his enemies; and to express a wish, that, after a long tri "umphant reign, he may be transferred from a temporal to an "everlasting kingdom.' He proceeds: "I have traced the

*History, chap. xlvi.

steps of a revolution, so pleasing, in Gregory's opinion, both "to heaven and earth; and Phocas does not appear less hate"ful in the exercise than in the acquisition of power. The

pencil of an impartial historian has delineated the portrait "of a monster, his diminutive and deformed person, &c. Ig"norant of letters, of laws, and even of arms, he indulged, in "the supreme rank, a more ample privilege of lust and drunk"enness; and his brutal pleasures were either injurious to "his subjects, or disgraceful to himself. Without assuming the office of a prince, he renounced the profession of a sol"dier; and the reign of Phocas afflicted Europe with ignomi"nious peace, and Asia with desolating war. His savage "temper was inflamed by passion, hardened by fear, exaspe "rated by resistance or reproach. The flight of Theodosius, "the only surviving son of Mauricius, to the Persian court, "had been intercepted by a rapid pursuit, or a deceitful mes"sage: he was beheaded at Nice; and the last hours of the "young prince were soothed by the comforts of religion, and "the consciousness of innocence.”

Now that we may be satisfied, that all Gregory's fulsome and detestable flattery was not without a view, we need only peruse the congratulatory letter to the empress Leontia, immediately following; for, by this channel, he thought it most prudent to suggest, for the first time, the distinguishing favour he expected they would show, in return, to the see of St. Peter, as the popes had now, for some centuries, affected to denominate the church planted at Rome. He begins this, as the other letters above-mentioned, with such high strains of praise and thanksgiving, as suited only the birth of the Messiah: his expressions are generally borrowed from those used in scripture, in relation to that memorable event; and he never forgets to contrast the present happiness with the evil times which had preceded. Reddatur ergo creatori omnium ab hymnidicis anges "lorum choris, gloria in cœlo, persolvatur ab omnibus gratia "rum actio in terra, &c."

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vrHis manner of applying to this lady is indeed very artful. After recommending to her, and her most pious lord, the see of the blessed apostle Peter, he signifies his persuasion, that what he had said was quite unnecessary, that their own piety must have suggested the same thing to them before. He takes notice of the great prerogatives of Peter in such a manner, (which was now become common at Rome, though no where else in the church) as though they had been his peculiarly; namely, the founding of the universal church, the power of the keys, the power of retaining sins, and of remitting them, or of binding and loosing; whence he takes occasion indirectly,

but with great address, to insinuate, that their hopes of those favours, which none but Peter could bestow, must be in propor tion to their zeal for his honour." Unde nobis dubium non “ est, quam forti amore ad eum vos stringitis, per quem solvi "ab omnibus peccatorum nexibus desideratis. Ipse ergo sit ❝ vestri custos imperii; sit vobis protector in terra, sit pro vo"bis intercessor in cœlo." It was then from Peter only they were to expect remission. To his guardianship their govern ment was recommended, and their persons to his protection on the earth, and intercession in heaven. There is (you must know) much less word of the providence and protection of God, and of the intercession of Jesus Christ, now that people had got themselves so liberally provided in guardians, protec tors, and intercessours, among the saints. The abuse thrown with such an unsparing hand on the unfortunate emperour, who had preceded, as though he had been one of the worst of ty rants, naturally leads one to inquire into his character. The fault, of which he is principally accused by contemporary histo rians, and which, doubtless, proved the cause of his untimely fate, was too much parsimony: than which, no vice could render him more odious to the soldiery, who were, in those de generate times of the empire, lazy, undisciplined, debauched, rapacious, and seditious. As the government was become military, the affection of the army was the principal bulwark of the throne. It was ever consequently the interest of the reigning family, to secure the fidelity of the legions as much as possible. This, in times so corrupt, when military discipline was extinct, was to be effected only by an unbounded indul gence, and by frequent largesses. These the prince was not in a condition to bestow, without laying exorbitant exactions on the people. For levying these, the army were, as long as they shared in the spoil, always ready to lend their assistance. Hence it happened, that among the emperours, the greatest op pressors of the people were commonly the greatest favourites of the army. The revolt of the legions, therefore, could be but a slender proof of mal-administration. It was even, in many cases, an evidence of the contrary. Dilonga tus

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But it is more to our present purpose, to consider the character, which this very pope Gregory gave of Mauricius, when in possession of the imperial diadema For if the former and the latter accounts, given by the pontiff, cannot be rendered con sistent, we must admit, that, first or last, his holiness made a sacrifice of truth to politicks. Now it is certain, that nothing can be more contradictory than those accounts. In some of his letters to that emperour, you will find the man, whom he now treats as a perfect monster, extolled to the skies, as one of

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