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duct of the land for the gentlemen to live in greater state, at the same time our consults are how to make the half starved manufacturers that live by their daily labour, more and more miserable. What opinion will the common people of England have of this house, and the gentlemen of the kingdom, whom nothing can please but what is made by foreigners, or comes from abroad?

Our palates, for a long time, have been so nice, that nothing but a French cook could please them ; nor could we persuade ourselves that our cloathing was good, unless from head to foot we were a la mode de France. The gentleman was not well served, without a Frenchinan; and the lady's commoile could not sit right, if her fine French woman did not put it on. Now, on a sudden, the change is as violent in favour of the Dutch, who are great courtiers ; and the only taking people; and our English are a sort of clumsy fisted people, if compared with the modish Dutch Hans and Frow; and in short, the Englishmen are fit for nothing but to be sent to Flanders, and there either to fight, steal, or starve, for want of pay. There is one thing, Mr. Speaker, which comes into my mind, with which I shall close this consideration: What reason was there for blaming the mayors, aldermen, common councils, and other go. vernors of corporations, for surrendering their charters though they still retained their rights, for Englishmen only to come into new charters; and at the same time hope to justify our proceedings, though we throw up the great charter of our English liberties, to admit strangers.

A fourth pretence for this bill is, a want of husbandmen to till the ground. I shall say little on this head, but request the honourable person below me to tell me, of the forty thousand French which he confcsseth are come into England, how many docs he know that at this time follow the plow tail ? For it's my firm opinion, that not only the French, but any other nation this bill shall let in upon us, will never transplant themselves for the benefit of going to plow: they will contentedly leave the English the sole monoply of that slavery.

Upon the whole, sir, it's my judgment, that should this bill

pass, it will bring as great afflictions on this nation, as ever fell upon the Egyptians; and one of their plagues we have at this time very severe upon us : I mean that of their land bringing forth frogs in abundance, even in the chambers of their kings; for there is no entering the courts of St. James's and Whitehall, the palaces of our hereditary kings, for the great noise and croaking of the frog landers.

Mr. Speaker, this nation is a religious, just, and zealous nation, who in some of their fits of zeal have not only quarrelled and fought for the same, but have murdered and deposed kings, nobles, and priests, for the sake of their religion and liberties, which they pretended to prove from the bible. We are the religious representatives of this religious people: let us therefore learn in. struction in this case before us, from that great book, where we may be informed that St. Paul, by being born free of heathen Rome, escaped a whipping, and valued and pleaded that privilege; and the chief captain of the Romans prides himself that he, with a great sum, had obtained that freedom, and feared greatly when he had violated St. Paul's liberty, by binding of him ; and shall we set at nought the freedom of the English nation, who are a religious christian kingdom, and part with the same to strangers, for nothing, unless the undoing of our own countrymen who sent us here, but not on this errand ? Certainly we should follow the example of the Roman captain, and fear and tremble when we consider the just provocation we shall give to the kingdom, who will expect that we preserve, and not destroy, every Englishman's birth-right.

Sir, we may further learn from that book the fate of the Egyptians; who experienced, on the score of charity, what it is a people may expect from admitting

strangers into their country and councils. Joseph was a stranger, sold a slave into Egypt; yet, being taken into Pharaoh's council, he, by taxes and other fine projects, brought the seven years plenty God had blest the Egyptians with, into the granaries of Pharaoh; but, when dearth came on the land, and the people cried to their king for relief, they were sent to the stranger Joseph, who getteth from them, for that which was once their own, all their money, their cattle, their lands, and

, last of all, their persons into slavery; though at the same time, he did far otherwise by his own countrymen, for he placed them in the best of the land, the land of Goshen, and nourished them from the king's store.

This example should teach us to be wise in time, seeing all this was done by the advice of one foreigner in the privy council ; and what may that country expect, where the head, and many of the council, are foreigners.

Sir, I perceive some gentlemen are uneasy; perhaps I have offended them, in supposing they are religious representatives, or concluding that their religion is to be proved from the bible; if that be it which displeaseth, I beg their pardon, and promise not to offend again on that score, and will conclude all with this motion : That the serjeant be commanded to open the doors, and let us first kick this bill out of the house, and then foreigners out of the kingdom.

QUEEN ANNE,

Was the second daughter of James II. born in 1664, and died

1714. She came to the crown in 1701.

Queen Anne's Speech to both Houses.

My Lords and Gentlemen,

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I CANNOT too much lament my own unhappiness in succeeding to the crown immediately after the loss of a king, who was the great support, not only of these kingdoms, but of all Europe. I am extremely sensible of the weight and difficulty it brings upon me.

But the true concern I have for our religion, for the laws and liberties of England, for maintaining the succession of the crown to the protestant line, and the government in church and state, as by law established, encourages me in this great undertaking; which I promise myself will be successful, by the blessing of God, and the continuance of that fidelity and affection, of which you have given me so full assurances.

The present conjuncture of affairs requires the greatest application and dispatch; and I am very glad to find in your several addresses, so unanimous a concurrence in the same opinion with me, that too much cannot be done for the encouragement of our allies, to reduce the exorbitant power of France.

I think it very necessary, at this time, to desire you to consider of proper methods for attaining an union be. tween England and Scotland; which has been so lately recommended to you as a matter that very nearly concerns the peace and security of both kingdoms.

Gentlemen of the house of commons, I need not put you in mind, that the revenue for defraying the expences of the civil government is expired. I rely en.

tirely upon your affection, for the supplying of it in such a manner as shall be most suitable for the honour and dignity of the crown.

My lords and gentlemen, It shall be my constant endeavour to make you the best return for that duty and affection, which you have expressed to me by a careful and diligent administration for the good of my sub- . jects; and as I know mine own heart to be entirely English, I can very sincerely assure you, there is not any thing you can expect or desire from me, which I shall not be ready to do for the happiness and prosperity of England; and you shall always find me a strict and religious observer of my word.

LORD BELHAVEN.

The following Speech is inserted in the debates of this period.

Though it does not come regularly within the plan of this collection, yet I thought I might be allowed to give it for the sake of diversifying the style of the work, and as a curious record of national feeling. As to the style, “it has the melancholy madness of poetry, without the inspiration.” It has all the forms of eloquence, but not all the power ; and is an excellent instance to shew how far mere manner will go. There can be little doubt but that this oration must have produced a very great effect; and yet there is nothing in it which any man might not say who was willing to indulge in the same strain of academic description. But it adopts the language of imagination, mimics her voice and gestures, conforms to her style by a continued profusion of figure and personi fication, and is full of that eloquence which consists in telling your mind freely, and which carrics the hearer along with it, be. cause you never seem to doubt for a moment of his sympathy, or that he does not take as great an interest in the question as you do. There is no captious reserve, no surly independence, no affected in. difference, no fear of committing yourself, or exposing yourself to ridicule by giving a loose to your feelings ; but every thing seems spoken with a full heart, sensible of the value of the cause it espouses, and only fearful of failing in expressions of zeal towards it, or in the respect that is due to it. Perhaps, what I have here stated may serve to point out the characteristic difference between the eloquence of the English and the French. The latter avail themselves of all the advantages that art and trick and adven.

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