320

WASHINGTON TAKES LEAVE OF THE ARMY. [CHAP. IV.

reciting the preceding facts, and urging an earnest recommendation to all the States to take effectual measures for being fully represented in Congress; to which report Congress agreed: and further provided, that a daily report of the attendance of members should be taken, and sent to the Executive of each State.

· Notwithstanding the inconvenience which had been thus experienced, and the remedy provided for its correction, the irregular attendance of the members was unchanged; and though Congress was required to meet at Annapolis on the twenty-sixth of November, there was not a quorum until the thirteenth of December, when nine States were found to be represented: after which there never were more than seven States present until the fourteenth of the succeeding month, and several times subsequently there was not a quorum.

The British troops having evacuated New York on the twenty-fifth of November, General Washington, attended by some of his principal officers and the American troops not yet disbanded, the Governor and other civil officers of New York entered the city. This great event was there celebrated on the first of December; and on the fourth, the Commander-in-chief took a leave, at once solemn and affectionate, of his companions in arms. He then proceeded to Philadelphia, where he remained four days to settle his public accounts, with that scrupulous exactness and satisfactory evidence for which he had ever been distinguished; after which he proceeded to Annapolis. Here, at a public audience, he made a formal surrender of that commission which, eight years before, he had received from Congress; prefacing it with a brief address, in which, adverting to his distrust of his abilities for so arduous a task, he said this was overcome by a confidence founded in the rectitude of the cause, the sup

1783.]

WASHINGTON'S RESIGNATION.

321

port of Congress, and the patronage of heaven. He took occasion to acknowledge the merits of the gentlemen attached to his person during the war; and he ventured to recommend to the favorable notice of Congress those who had continued in the service up to the present time. After commending the interests of the country to Divine protection, and taking a most respectful farewell of that august body under whose orders he had so long acted, he said he then took leave of "all the employments of public life."

The answer of the President, General Mifflin, was not merely courteous, but warm. Adverting to the difficulties of his country, on taking up arms, he said, “You have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power through all disasters and changes: you have, by -the love and confidence of your fellow-citizens, enabled them to display their martial genius, and transmit their fame to posterity: you have persevered, till these United States, aided by a magnanimous King and nation, have been enabled, under a just Providence, to close the war in freedom, safety, and independence, on which happy event we sincerely join you in congratulations.

"Having defended the standard of liberty in the new world; having taught a lesson useful to those who inflict, and to those who feel oppression, you retire from the great theatre of action with the blessings of your fellow-citizens: but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command; it will continue to animate remotest ages." After promising to charge themselves with the interests of his confidential officers, and joining him in commending their country to Divine protection, they conclude with a prayer that his days might be as happy as they have been illustrious, and that heaven VOL. I.-21

322

IRREGULAR ATTENDANCE OF MEMBERS. [CHAP. IV.

would finally give him that reward which the world could not give.

This was the last scene of the Revolutionary drama, and it has been one of the four subjects of Trumbull's pencil, which have received the patronage of Congress, and now adorn the walls of the Capitol at Washington.

On this occasion, there were but seven States represented, in consequence of which a resolution was offered by Mr. Williamson, of North Carolina, that letters be forthwith sent to the Executives of New Hampshire, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, South Carolina, and Georgia, informing them that the safety, honor and good faith of the United States required the immediate attendance of their Delegates; and that, among other important concerns, the ratification of the treaty of peace required the presence of nine States.

There being nine States present on the fourteenth of January, 1784, the definitive treaty was then ratified.

The great inconvenience which was still experienced from the non-attendance of the members, suggested a change in the rule which required only two members to represent a State. It was accordingly proposed and carried, that thereafter each State should be represented by at least three members.

Nothing can show more conclusively the feebleness and insufficiency of the powers then exercised by Congress, now that the war was at an end, than the hesita ting or irregular attendance of members on its deliberations.

The thirteen former colonies of Great Britain in North America having thus achieved their independence, and taken their place in the family of nations, before we see the use they made of their newly-acquired sovereignty,

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NEW CONSTITUTIONS OF THE STATES.

323

let us advert to the changes which time and a war of eight years had made in their condition.

In all of them there were constitutions and forms of government adapted to their new circumstances. In Connecticut and Rhode Island alone they found any further provisions unnecessary- the charters they had received from Charles the Second, in 1662, being sufficiently comprehensive, and sufficiently republican, for their 'present purposes. In all the other States there were new constitutions formed at different times from 1776 to 1780, which were adopted in the following chronological order:

In 1776 were formed that of New Hampshire, January fifth; of South Carolina, March twenty-sixth; of New Jersey, July second; of Virginia, July fifth; of Maryland, August fourteenth; of Delaware, September twentieth; of Pennsylvania, September twenty-eighth; and of North Carolina, December eighteenth.

In 1777, of Georgia, February fifth; and of New York, April twentieth.

In 1780, of Massachusetts, March second.

These agreed in the most material functions of government. They were all essentially republican, and recognised the source of all political power to be in the people. They all separated the legislative, executive and judicial powers. They all had single Executives, who were, in every instance, except that of Pennsylvania, called Governor and they all vested the Legislative power in two Houses, except Pennsylvania and Georgia, which, however, subsequently followed the example of the other States.

The most important points in which they differed was in the greater or less extension of the right of suffrage, in the powers confided to the Executive, and in the tenure of the Judicial office.

324

EFFECTS OF PAPER CURRENCY.

[CHAP. IV They were all greatly impoverished by the united effect of the burdensome expenses of the war and of the diminution of their resources. Their foreign commerce and their fisheries were entirely suspended; and their agricultural products, mainly cut off from their accustomed foreign markets, yielded little or no profit to the land-holders, who constituted nine-tenths of the people. Some progress was of necessity made in manufactures, cut off as the country had been from foreign supplies; but there was neither the capital, nor the skill, nor the subdivision of labor which that species of industry required; and the raw material itself was often wanting. afforded profitable employment to but a small part of the population.

It

The paper-money, which, in the first years of the Revolution, constituted the general currency of the country, had a great and a varied influence. It was at first an efficient, as well as cheap resource, and enabled the Congress to defray the expenses of war when they were without specie, or any sure and speedy means of obtaining it. Even after the currency had depreciated, as was evident in 1777, it still was a valuable auxiliary to a government without revenue, or the power of taxation.

But if it rendered these benefits to the American people in their collective capacity, it often proved most injurious to individuals. As the depreciation, after it began, continued steadily to advance, until the paper lost all value, every one was compelled to pass the money at a less rate than he had received it. In this way, it operated as a general tax, and the loss was, in a great measure, equalized. But between debtors and creditors the case was very different. When this money was used for the payment of debts, as it commonly was, from necessity as well as choice, the loss of the depreciation fell solely upon the