CHAP. XLVII.] BAD FAITH OF THE EUROPEAN COURTS. 145 Prussia. In vain the English Government assured her that Russia, with whom they had just concluded a treaty, would protect her against any attempt, if such was to be feared, on the part of Frederick. The treaty referred to, executed September 30th, 1755, was but a renewal of the alliance already subsisting between Great Britain and Russia since 1742. The Empress Elizabeth agreed to hold 55,000 men in readiness at the command of England on the frontiers of Livonia, and forty or fifty galleys on the coast, that Power paying 100,000l. per annum while the army remained within the Russian boundaries, and 500,000l. when it marched beyond them. The invasion of Hanover to be a casus foederis. But the real politics of the Court of St. Petersburg were better known at Vienna than at London. Elizabeth, as the event proved, had only signed this treaty in order to pocket the subsidy which it stipulated, and immediately hostilities broke out she joined Maria Theresa against Great Britain. In fact, a defensive alliance had been concluded at Warsaw between Austria and Russia in June, 1746, and, therefore, after the Peace of Breslau, in a secret article of which Maria Theresa declared that if the King of Prussia should attack either her dominions or those of Russia or Poland, she would revive her rights to Silesia. In her negotiations with Great Britain the Empress-Queen had already begun to throw off the mask. Instead of being defended against Prussia, she openly talked of attacking that Kingdom in order to restore the European balance. Mutual recriminations and reproaches ensued; but George II. declared that he would enter into no paper war, and turned to seek an ally in his nephew, Frederick, who had formerly accused him of deserving the gallows for stealing his father's will!

2

It was an anxious time for the Prussian King. He wished for nothing more than to preserve what he had already obtained, and was, therefore, sincerely desirous of peace. But he clearly saw that the state of things precluded its maintenance. He was aware that his boldness and bad faith had made him an object of universal suspicion, that Maria Theresa was the centre of all the intrigues against him, and he strongly suspected that one of her trustiest allies might be the Russian Empress Elizabeth. At that period none of the European Courts was honest either to friend or foe. It was a contest of knavery, of bribery of one another's undersecretaries and other officers; each knew the most secret plans of his neighbour. Frederick had long been acquainted with the Wenck, Corp. jur. g. rec. t. iii. p. 75. Adelung, B. v. Beil. ii.

146 TREATY BETWEEN ENGLAND AND PRUSSIA. [CHAP. XLVII. secret article of the Austrian and Russian Treaty of Warsaw, and he felt that it was high time to fortify himself with an alliance. But he was addressed at once by France and England-which should he choose? His treaty with France was just expiring; the Court of Versailles, not yet thoroughly resolved on the grand stroke of an Austrian alliance, wished him to renew it, and to aid in an attack upon Hanover. But the French negotiations were unskilfully managed. Frederick's pride revolted at the haughty tone in which he was treated. He seemed to be regarded almost as a vassal of France; nay, some of the French proposals were positively insulting. Thus, for instance, the French Minister, Rouillé, told the Prussian Ambassador to write to his master that an attack upon Hanover would afford a good opportunity for plunder, as the King of England's treasury was well provided! Frederick, naturally touchy after his somewhat equivocal exploits, indignantly replied to this home-thrust, that he hoped M. Rouillé would learn to distinguish between persons-that such proposals befitted only a contrabandist. The Duke of Nivernais, who was sent on a special embassy to Berlin, tried to tempt Frederick by the offer of Tobago, one of the islands in dispute between France and England. Frederick requested him to find a more fitting Governor "of Barataria." It is probable, however, that in choosing the English alliance, Frederick was guided by policy alone. From a due appreciation of the mercenary motives of the Russian Court, he was of opinion that after all it would adhere to England for the sake of her money; least of all did he expect an event so portentous as an alliance between Austria and France. He, therefore, entered into a Treaty of Neutrality with England, January 16th, 1756, the only object of which professed to be to preserve the peace of Germany, and to prevent foreign troops from entering the Empire. By a secret article, the Netherlands were excluded from the operation of the treaty.2

This treaty, apparently so harmless, was followed by important consequences. Kaunitz employed it as his strongest argument to persuade the Cabinet of Versailles to a close alliance with Austria. His plans embraced the partition of Prussia among various Powers; to make the Polish Crown hereditary in the Saxon family; to give the Austrian Netherlands to Don Philip in exchange for Parma and Piacenza; and to assign the ports of Nieuport and Ostend to France. These propositions occasioned violent discussions in the French Cabinet. The greater part of the Ministry was for 1 Euvres, t. iv. p. 28. 2 Wenck, t. iii. p 84.

CHAP. XLVII.] ALLIANCE OF AUSTRIA AND FRANCE.

147

adhering to the old French anti-Austrian policy; but Louis and his mistress were for Maria Theresa. This momentous question was debated at a little house belonging to Madame de Pompadour, called Babiole. Madame de Pompadour, and her confidant, the Abbé Bernis, without the intervention of any of the French Ministers, arranged the business with Count Stahremberg, who had succeeded Kaunitz as Austrian Ambassador at Paris. The fate of France-nay, of Europe-lay at the discretion of a vain courtesan. The Austrian alliance was resolved on. On May 1st, 1756, two treaties were executed by France and Austria, one of which stipulated the entire neutrality of the Empress-Queen in the impending war between France and England; by the other, a defensive alliance, the two Powers mutually guaranteed their possessions in Europe, and promised each other a succour of 24,000 men in case of attack-the war with England always excepted on the part of Austria; while France claimed no exceptions, not even in the case of a war between Austria and the Porte. The virtual effect of the treaties, therefore, was that Austria only engaged not to aid England against France, while France engaged to help Austria with 24,000 men against Prussia, in case of need. But by secret articles the obligation of aid became reciprocal if other Powers, even in alliance with England, should attack the European possessions either of France or Austria. Russia subsequently acceded to these treaties.

The wedge was thus got in, and Kaunitz hoped soon to drive it further, and induce the French Court to take a more active part in his project. The negotiations had been concluded without the knowledge of the other Austrian Ministers, or even of the Emperor Francis I., who detested France as the hereditary enemy of the House of Lorraine. When Kaunitz communicated them to the Council, the Emperor became so excited that, striking the table with his fist, he left the room, exclaiming "that such an unnatural alliance should not take place." Kaunitz was so alarmed that he could not say a word; but Maria Theresa directed him to proceed, and manifested such decisive approbation that the other ministers did not venture to oppose him. The easy-tempered Francis, who, in fact, took little part in the affairs of Austria, confining himself to those of the Empire and of his grand duchy of Tuscany, was at length brought to consent to the new line of policy, and even to persuade the States of the Empire to second it.

1 Wenck, t. iii. p. 139, 141; Garden, t. iv. p. 19.

2 Coxe, House of Austria, vol. iv. ch. ex.

148 HOSTILITIES BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. [CHAP. XLVII.

Meanwhile hostilities had openly broken out between France and England. In December, 1755, the Court of Versailles had demanded satisfaction for all vessels seized by the English; which being refused till the reopening of negotiations, an embargo was placed on British vessels in French ports. Great Britain, seeing herself on the eve of a war with France, required from Holland the succours stipulated by the Treaty of 1716; but though this demand was supported by the mother and guardian of the young Stadholder, who was George II.'s daughter, yet the anti-Orange Party, availing itself of the alarm occasioned by a threat of Louis XV., persuaded the States-General to declare a strict neutrality. The English Cabinet had entered into treaties for the hire of troops with the States of Hesse-Cassel, Saxe-Gotha, and Schaumburg-Lippe. These petty German Princes were at that period accustomed to traffic in the blood of their subjects, whose hire went not, like that of the Swiss, into their own pockets, but contributed to support the luxury and profligacy of their Sovereigns. The military force of England was in those days but small; a dislike prevailed of standing armies, and her growing colonies and commerce required that her resources should be chiefly devoted to the augmentation of the navy. Hence the nation was seized almost with a panic when it heard that large armaments, the destination of which was unknown, were preparing at Brest and Havre. The French, to increase the alarm and conceal their real design, caused large bodies of troops to assemble in their channel ports. Troops were hastily brought to England from Hanover and Hesse. But the storm fell elsewhere. War had not yet been formally declared when these armaments, joined by others from the French Mediterranean ports, appeared off Minorca, conveying an army of 12,000 men under Marshal the Duke of Richelieu. The Duke of Newcastle's administration, now tottering to its fall, had neglected the necessary precautions; the garrison of Port Mahon had been reduced to less than 3,000 men; and it was only at the last moment that a fleet of ten ships, under Admiral Byng, was despatched for the defence of Minorca. When Byng arrived, the island was virtually captured. The French had landed in April, 1756; on the 21st they occupied Port Mahon. General Blakeney, who commanded in the absence of Lord Tyrawley, the governor, now retired into the fort of St. Philip, which was deemed impregnable. Byng did not appear off Minorca till May 19th, and on the following day engaged the French fleet in a distant cannonade; after which he retired to Gibraltar, leaving

CHAP. XLVII.]

LEAGUE AGAINST PRUSSIA.

149 the island to its fate. The English garrison in St. Philip, despairing of relief, capitulated June 28th, and was conveyed to Gibraltar. Byng was condemned next year by a court-martial of not having done all that lay in his power to succour the place; and as popular clamour rose very high in England at the loss of Minorca, and seemed to demand a victim, he was shot in Portsmouth harbour. After the attack on Minorca, England issued a formal declaration of war against France, May 17th, which was answered by the latter country June 9th.

The continental war had not yet begun. A league was preparing between Austria, Russia, Saxony, and Sweden, among which the spoils of Prussia were to be divided. Silesia and the County of Glatz were to be restored to Austria; Prussia was to be given to Poland, Courland to Russia, Magdeburg to Saxony, Pomerania to Sweden. The Empress Elizabeth of Russia entered ardently into Maria Theresa's plans, but Kaunitz demurred to act without the consent of France. Frederick, who was acquainted with his enemies' schemes, had to determine whether he should await or anticipate the execution of them. He had learnt, to his alarm, that Russia was to begin the war; Austria was to get involved in it, and would then demand the aid of France, under her treaty with that Power. Saxony, as he discovered through Fleming, the Saxon Minister at the Court of Vienna, was to fall upon him when he had been a little shaken in the saddle. It is probable that Kaunitz, who wanted to drive him to some rash step, permitted him to get this secret intelligence.' He had, however, also learnt through his friend and admirer, the Grand Duke Peter, who had secretly entered Frederick's service this very year as a Prussian captain, that the Courts of St. Petersburg and Vienna had resolved to attack him, but that the execution of the project had been deferred till the next spring, in order to allow time for Russia to provide the necessary recruits, sailors, and magazines." Frederick armed, and resolved on an immediate invasion of Saxony. First of all, however, by the advice of the English Ambassador, Mitchell, he demanded in a friendly manner, through his Ambassador at Vienna, the object of the Austrian preparations; and as Maria Theresa gave an ambiguous reply to this question, as well as to a demand for a more explicit answer, repeated towards the end of August, 1756, Frederick, after having first published at Berlin a declaration of his motives, set his troops in motion. "It is

'Stenzel, B. iv.

2 Hermann, Gesch. Russlands, B. v. S. 131.