after all, the health and stamina of the nation are bound up with the maintenance of a large class of the workers on the soil. The town population redundant, the country population decimated—it is a subversion of healthy national life. Now, in passing, let me mention one thing which the Government have resolved to do. Few things, we think, are more capable of benefiting both the towns and the country districts than a development, if that can be given to our system, of canal communication, and promoting the use of waterways, which will facilitate transit, which will open markets, which will bring town and country together. We have, therefore, resolved to ask the King to appoint a Royal Commission to inquire into the whole of that question, because we believe that great benefit to the nation may come from it.

The Problems of the Towns.

But we are meeting to-night in London, and not in the countryin London, the greatest city in the world, an agglomeration of cities, some cities of the very rich and some cities of the very poor. London presents a group of problems positively terrifying by their dimensions, problems of housing and of overcrowding, problems of the unemployed, of the over-employed, and of the badly employed. But they differ, these problems, after all, only in degree, and not in kind, from those which present themselves in other and smaller cities. We all know the evils. Whoever passes, like the Levite, on the other side of the way, Liberalism cannot pass on the other side of the way. What, then, is that which we can do? We can strengthen the hand of the municipalities by reforming the land system and the rating system, in which I include the imposition of a rate on ground values. We can make it easier for them to relieve the congestion of the centre, and to promote orderly and healthy development on the outskirts. We can do what in us lies to prevent the central departments from being in any sense a drag on local enterprise, and make these departments rather stimulate and inspire; and I rather think that the new President of the Local Government Board will be a good guide in such matters. I want to see the Poor Law framed to meet a different state of things, brought into harmony with new conditions, and I think we are all agreed that experiments, carefully conducted and closely watched, may be with advantage entered upon with the view of finding how best to mitigate the evils of non-employment.

The Law of Combination.

It is in our

It has

One other matter in this connection I would mention. opinion a pressing matter. This is the law of combination.

been gravely affected by a series of judicial decisions; and it will be our desire, with the least possible delay, so to amend it as to give freedom and security to the trade unions in the pursuit of their legitimate aims. In all these subjects on which I have been touching, what is the aim to be kept in view? What is the star we should keep our eyes upon, to see that we are moving in the right direction? It is that we should promote the welfare and happiness and interests not of any particular class or section of the community, but of the nation at large. This is the work of true patriotism; these are the only foundations upon which a solid Empire may be built. But do not let us forget that for these purposes our instrument-that is the British Parliament-must be made effective and ready. We must as opportunities afford restore its impaired authority, develop its strength, and by reforming its electoral methods, bring it into closer touch with the life of the people.

Free Trade the Great Issue.

Now, I know that on the great question in regard to which we are to give our verdict in the course of a few weeks your minds are made up, and therefore I will not enter even for a moment on arguments connected with it. I rejoice to think that since the Free Trade controversy was first raised, there has been no sign of faltering or wavering on our side, and that Liberalism has been true to its historic m ssion. In the great struggle which will shortly be upon us, I do not think it too much to say that all that we Liberals hold dear is at stake, because, if once you open the door to Protection, what hope is there for those great objects of reform and economy upon which our hearts are set ? Depend upon it, that in fighting for our open ports, and for the cheap food and material upon which the welfare of the people and the prosperity of our commerce depend, we are fighting against those powers, privileges, injustices, and monopolies which are unalterably opposed to the triumph of democratic principles. Be confident, therefore; but I would ask you not to be over-confident. Against you is a strong coalition of interests and powers. Against you is a wealthy and a great party, divided indeed-as we have been amused to observe and to watch its little developments-divided in the details of fiscal strategy, but united in its determination to undermine and overthrow the citadel of Free Trade. Let us, then, be worthy of our fathers, who went before us and won for us this great privilege of freedom; and let us beware lest, through any fault of ours, through slackness, or indifference, or over-confidence on our part, so great and vital a national interest is imperilled.

Vote of Thanks and Confidence-Speech by

Mr. Asquith.

The following resolution was moved by Sir James Kitson, Bt., M.P., seconded by Sir E. Cornwall (Chairman of the London County Council), and carried by acclamation :

"That this meeting thanks Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman for his address, and congratulates him upon his appointment as Prime Minister, and upon his successful formation of an Administration which commands the admiration and respect of the Liberal party, and possesses its confidence."

The Right Hon. H. H. ASQUITH, the Chancellor of the Exchequer (in moving a vote of thanks to the Chairman), said: I am not going to make a speech. I will simply say in reference to our proceedings here to-night, as far as they have gone, that I am certain that the comprehensive and masterly exposition of Liberal policy to which we have listened from the lips of the head of the Government will be received with unqualified satisfaction by Liberals in every part of the country. And I may add, for the benefit of our opponents, that those who are endeavouring for electioneering purposes to discover or to invent differences of principle or of policy between members of this Administration, are only pursuing to their own discomfiture the last of that long series of manoeuvres which, while they have found favour in London drawing-rooms and have excited the admiration of large sections of the London press, have aroused in the country nothing but impatience, indignation, and contempt. My duty is not to make a speech, but in your name to discharge a debt which we all owe to our chairman, Mr. Dickinson, to-night. I use the word "debt" advisedly, in view not merely of the ability with which he has presided here, but in view of his long services to London and to Liberalism. I doubt whether there is any member of this metropolitan community to whom we as a party stand under a deeper debt of obligation. Your responsibility, ladies and gentlemen, here in London is a heavy one. There is more ground to be won for Liberalism here than in any other part of the country, and, I will add, there is more significance in a Liberal victory here than in any other place in England. Mr. Dickinson and his colleagues in this Federation have laboured for years in what must have seemed a thankless and unrewarded task. Let us now not forget their services when we see the assured prospect of their reaping the harvest which their zeal and self-devotion have earned.

The resolution was seconded by Dr. Macnamara, M.P., and unanimously adopted.

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AUTHORISED EDITION.

THE EDUCATION BILL,

1906

A SPEECH

DELIVERED BY THE

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(President of the Board of Education),

ON THE INTRODUCTION AND FIRST READING IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

On APRIL 9th, 1906.

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