I APPRECIATE THE OPPORTUNITY TO OFFER

TESTIMONY AS THIS COMMITTEE WORKS TOWARDS ITS
MANDATE OF REFORMING THE CONGRESS.

DURING THE DEBATE OVER THE RATIFICATION OF
THE CONSTITUTION, JAMES MADISON WROTE THAT ONE
OF THE MAIN CONCERNS OF THE AMERICAN PUBLIC WAS
THAT "THE PUBLIC GOOD IS DISREGARDED IN THE
CONFLICTS OF RIVAL PARTIES, AND THAT MEASURES ARE
TOO OFTEN DECIDED, NOT ACCORDING TO THE RULES OF
JUSTICE AND THE RIGHTS OF THE MINOR PARTY, BUT BY
THE SUPERIOR FORCE OF AN INTERESTED AND
OVERBEARING MAJORITY." IN CONSTRUCTING THE
FOUNDATION OF OUR FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, THE
CONSTITUTION RESOLVED FEARS OF TYRANNY OF THE

MAJORITY. IN THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS, HOWEVER,

THE UNLIMITED TERMS FOR COMMITTEE CHAIRMEN AND

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POWER

IN ORDER TO CONTAIN THE UNCONTROLLED OF COMMITTEE CHAIRMEN AND RANKING COMMITTEE MEMBERS, I PROPOSED A RULE IN THE REPUBLICAN RULES PACKAGE TO LIMIT RANKING COMMITTEE MEMBERS TO THREE CONSECUTIVE TERMS IN THEIR POSITION. BY ADOPTING THIS MEASURE, REPUBLICAN MEMBERS HAVE IMPOSED RESTRICTIONS ON THEIR OWN LEADERSHIP, EVEN THOUGH THE MAJORITY PARTY WOULD NOT CONSIDER IT FOR COMMITTEE CHAIRMEN. THE RULE, WHICH HAS BEEN REPORTED IN THE PRESS AS THE

"LINDER RULE" ALTHOUGH IT WOULD BE NICE IF THEY

EFFECT OF TERM LIMITS BY REDUCING UNCHECKED

POWER, WITHOUT HAVING TO GO THROUGH THE PROCESS OF AMENDING THE CONSTITUTION OR PASSING A LAW.

THIS PROPOSAL WOULD END COZY RELATIONSHIPS

WITH SPECIAL INTERESTS, CREATE THE FREE-FLOW OF

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NEW AND INNOVATIVE IDEAS BETWEEN ALL MEMBERS IN
THE COMMITTEE SYSTEM, AND CONCLUDE THE DAYS OF
ENTRENCHED CAREER POLITICIANS HOLDING NEEDED

LEGISLATION
THIS PLAN WOULD TRIM THE INFLUENCE OF SPECIAL
INTEREST GROUPS BY REDUCING LONG-TERM FIEFDOMS
WHICH GIVE THE CHAIRMEN OMNIPOTENCE OVER THE
SURVIVAL OF LEGISLATION.

HOSTAGE FOR THEIR PERSONAL AGENDA.

COUNTLESS PROPOSALS THAT COULD MAKE A REAL DIFFERENCE IN THE LIVES OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE ARE LANGUISHING HOPELESSLY IN CONGRESS' COMMITTEE SYSTEM. AS ELECTED REPRESENTATIVES, WE HAVE A RESPONSIBILITY TO CHANGE THIS SYSTEM STIFLED BY ENTRENCHED POWER AND RETURN OUR GOVERNMENT TO

THE PEOPLE.

I KNOW THAT PLACING LIMITS ON YOUR OWN

LEADERSHIP IS NOT EASY IN ANY BUSINESS, ESPECIALLY IN WASHINGTON. BUT OUR BUSINESS IS THE WELL-BEING

AND LIBERTY OF AN ENTIRE NATION. IT IS OUR

RESPONSIBILITY

TO CREATE A WORKING CONGRESS THAT

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IS MORE INTERESTED IN THE FUTURE OF OUR NATION

THAN IN MAINTAINING

ELECTIONS.

POWER AND SECURING FUTURE

IT IS UNFORTUNATE THAT THIS PROPOSAL WAS NEVER ALLOWED ON THE FLOOR FOR A VOTE, MUCH LESS A DISCUSSION, AND I HOPE THAT THIS REFORM ISSUE WILL RECEIVE A BETTER RESPONSE IN THE FUTURE. IT IS TIME FOR THOSE OF US IN CONGRESS TO FACE THE FACTS THAT TERM LIMITS HAVE BECOME A NATIONAL PRIORITY. FOURTEEN STATES HAVE PASSED REFERENDA TO LIMIT TERMS, FORCING 156 REPRESENTATIVES AND 30 SENATORS TO RETIRE WITHIN SIX TO 12 YEARS.

CONGRESS CANNOT

DISMISS THE TERM LIMITATION MOVEMENT: THE
AMERICAN PUBLIC HAS MADE ITS DECISION. AS A
MEMBER OF A FRESHMAN CLASS BENT ON CARRYING OUT
THE WILL OF OUR FELLOW AMERICANS IN ORDER TO
REFORM THE WAY GOVERNMENT DOES BUSINESS, I TRULY
APPRECIATE THE OPPORTUNITY TO EXPRESS MY VIEWS ON
THIS IMPORTANT ISSUE OF CHANGE.

THANK YOU, AGAIN, FOR THE OPPORTUNITY TO

TESTIFY BEFORE THIS COMMITTEE.

STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE GERALD B. SOLOMON

BEFORE THE JOINT COMMITTEE ON THE ORGANIZATION OF CONGRESS

THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1993

Messrs. Chairmen, Vice Chairmen, and members of the Joint Committee:

As a member of this joint committee I am submitting this statement in lieu of taking the valuable time of the committee to actually testify. I think it is more important at this stage of our proceedings that we hear from Members of the House and Senate who are not members of this committee.

As the ranking Republican on the House Rules Committee I have been privileged over the last two Congresses in participating in preparing our Republican substitute for the resolution adopting the Rules of the House at the beginning of the Congress.

At the beginning of this 103rd Congress, our reform package was entitled "A Mandate for Change in the People's House," and contained a comprehensive, 48-point plan for improving the institution. A copy of that "Mandate" package was distributed to all members of the Joint Committee at our organizational meeting at the request of the House Republican Leader.

In my brief statement I would like to highlight a few of the provisions of that package that I think deserve the special attention of this committee as it proceeds with its hearings and deliberations.

Scheduling

First, we call for a legislative schedule to be announced by the Speaker at the beginning of each year that would include not only which days and weeks we will be in session, but target dates for the consideration of major legislation. And, we call for assumed five-day work weeks unless otherwise announced.

I realize that this may seem too idealistic given the uncertain nature of the legislative process. But I think it would go a long way to ensuring a steady flow of major legislation throughout the year instead of the crazy rush we now have to finish everything in the final days of a session. Moreover, the leadership of the House and Senate could better coordinate their legislative work if they made a more concerted effort at the outset to schedule floor action on major bills.

Finally, I think the House should adopt the Senate system of three weeks on and one week off, with assumed five-day work weeks when we are in session rather than the current three-day work weeks. One of our greatest problems in getting things done earlier in a session is the inability of committees and subcommittees to focus for any extended periods on hearings and markups of particular bills. It would also make it easier for us to conference with the Senate if both Houses were in and out of session at the same time.