CHAPTER XVII. Secret Treaty between Queen and Parma-Excitement and Alarm in the THE course of Elizabeth towards the Provinces, in the matter of the peace, was certainly not ingenuous, but it was not absolutely deceitful. She concealed and denied the negotiations, when the Netherland statesmen were perfectly aware of their existence, if not of their tenour; but she was not prepared, as they suspected, to sacrifice their liberties and their religion, as the price of her own reconciliation with Spain. Her attitude towards the States was imperious, over-bearing, and abusive. She had allowed the Earl of Leicester to return, she said, because of her love for the poor and oppressed people, but in many of her official and in all her private communications, she denounced the men who governed that people as ungrateful wretches and impudent liars.1 1 1 E. g. "Nous avons renvoyé notre cousin de Leycestre-nonobstant que nous fussions à peu pres degoutés. vus les desordres et confusions depuis son partement de là... les traverses ingrates de quelques uns mal affectés par de là, dont nous memes avons en occasion de bien fort nous repentir. Toutefois la consideration que nous avons eu de l'innocence d'un si bon peuple, et le desir qu'avons eu de leur bien, jointe la prompte volunté de notre cousin, ont eu plus de force a nous retenir en notre premiere affection. ... et attendons que ce qu'est passé sera reparé à l'avenir.. "Queen to StateCouncil, 20 June, 1587. (S. P. Office, MS.) A letter to the States, of nearly 1587. SECRET TREATING BETWEEN QUEEN AND PARMA. 287 These were the corrosives and vinegar which she thought suitable for the case; and the Earl was never weary in depicting the same statesmen as seditious, pestilent, selfseeking, mischief-making traitors. These secret, informal negotiations, had been carried on during most of the year 1587. It was the "comptroller's peace," as Walsingham contemptuously designated the attempted treaty; for it will be recollected that Sir James Croft, a personage of very mediocre abilities, had always been more busy than any other English politician in these transactions. He acted, however, on the inspiration of Burghley, who drew his own from the fountainhead. But it was in vain for the Queen to affect concealment. The States knew everything which was passing, before Leicester knew. His own secret instructions reached the Netherlands before he did. His secretary, Junius, was thrown into prison, and his master's letter taken from him, before there had been any time to act upon its treacherous suggestions.1 When the Earl wrote letters with his own hand to his sovereign, of so secret a nature that he did not even retain a the same date, is likewise filled with expressions of her disgust at the étrange et ingrate maniere de vos deportements envers notre cousin, votre ingratitude et traverses," and of praise of the cousin, who, "nonobstant toutes ces discourtesies et ingratitudes, ne voudra espargner pour le bien de vous tous de hasarder ni sa vie ni sa fortune," &c. Queen to States, 22 June, 1587. (S. P. Office, MS.) And three months later-"How the town of Sluys was lost, we will spare to write, that which thousands of your native people did affirm, how traitorously this town was lost, or rather betrayed, the world knoweth, and we do not think that yourselves can deny it, from want of supply from you and your chieftains, and yet not without the honour and reputation of ours that defended it. . . . Our lieutenant (Leicester) could not have convenient time to deal with you (about the peace), for that he was so entangled with your overthwart dealing against him, with sundry false reports of us and himself, 1 Meteren, xiv. 255. "This letter they have taken perforce from him, and committed first my man to prison, which I think was never durst to be attempted before, and puts me past my patience, I assure you.' Leicester to Walsingham, 4 July, 1587. (S. P. Office MS.) single copy for himself, for fear of discovery, he found, to his infinite disgust, that the States were at once provided with an authentic transcript of every line that he had written.1 It was therefore useless, almost puerile, to deny facts which were quite as much within the knowledge of the Netherlanders as of himself. The worst consequence of the concealment was, that a deeper treachery was thought possible than actually existed. "The fellow they call Barneveld," 2 as Leicester was in the habit of designating one of the first statesmen in Europe, was perhaps justified, knowing what he did, in suspecting more. Being furnished with a list of commissioners, already secretly agreed upon between the English and Spanish governments, to treat for peace, while at the same time the Earl was beating his breast, and flatly denying that there was any intention of treating with Parma at all, it was not unnatural that he should imagine a still wider and deeper scheme than really existed, against the best interests of his country. He may have expressed, in private conversation, some suspicions of this nature, but there is direct evidence that he never stated in public anything which was not afterwards proved to be matter of fact, or of legitimate inference from the secret document which had come into his hands. The Queen exhausted herself in opprobious language against those who dared to impute to her a design to obtain possession of the cities and strong places of the Netherlands, in order to secure a position in which to compel the Provinces into obedience to her policy. She urged, with much logic, that 1"I am credibly informed by an honest man," says Leicester, who says he saw it, that the States have a copy of my last instrument, as also of the letter of her Majesty written lately privately to me, touching the dealing in the peace. Yea, further, that they are thoroughly and particularly made acquainted with a late letter of mine to her Majesty, written with my own hand, whereof I would have no copy taken, because I would have no man acquaint with it. In which letter I informed her Majesty at length of all things here, and gave her also, in some sort, my private advice. They have, by some means, got knowledge of the contents thereof, and have intimated the same secretly to the Provinces, intending thereby to draw me into hatred and suspicion of the people, as though this dealing for peace were procured for me. But for this matter, I shall hope to deal well enough, for this treacherous usage of her Majesty's secrets," &c. Leicester to Walsingham, 28 Aug. 1587. (S. P. Office MS.) 2 Leicester to Burghley, 10-11 Sept. 1587. (S. P. Office MS.) 1587. EXCITEMENT AND ALARM IN THE STATES. 289 as she had refused the sovereignty of the whole country when offered to her, she was not likely to form surreptitious schemes to make herself mistress of a portion of it. On the other hand, it was very obvious, that to accept the sovereignty of Philip's rebellious Provinces, was to declare war upon Philip; whereas, had she been pacifically inclined towards that sovereign, and treacherously disposed towards the Netherlands, it would be a decided advantage to her to have those strong places in her power. But the suspicions as to her good faith were exaggerated. As to the intentions of Leicester, the States were justified in their almost unlimited distrust. It is very certain that both in 1586, and again, at this very moment, when Elizabeth was most vehement in denouncing such aspersions on her government, he had unequivocally declared to her his intention of getting possession, if possible, of several cities, and of the whole Island of Walcheren, which, together with the cautionary towns already in his power, would enable the Queen to make good terms for herself with Spain, "if the worst came to the worst.' It will also soon be shown that he did his best to carry these schemes into execution. There is no evidence, however, and no probability, that he had received the royal commands to perpetrate such a crime. The States believed also, that in those secret negotiations with Parma the Queen was disposed to sacrifice the religious 1 "I will go to Medenblik (the next town to Enkhuyzen), which is at your Majesty's devotion, as the governor thereof (Sonoy) is, and will do my best to recover Enkhuyzen ere I depart thence. Then, indeed, your Majesty, having Flushing, Brill, and Utrecht, as you have, and these, ye shall be able to bring the peace to better conditions, and bridle these States of Holland at your pleasure. They are full of shifts, and yet such as for this matter may ask toleration, for how hateful a matter peace hath been to the generality almost of all these countries, is well known to all persons, and how loathsome a thing it is to all but to such as for love, and trust in your Majesty will conform themselves, I can sufficiently testify; and it is the only cause of the VOL. II.-U world for them to be careful in their dealing, for it doth confirm them and their posterity both in their lives and liberties, and therefore to be borne withal, if they take deliberation." Leicester to the Queen, 9 Oct. 1587. (S. P. Office MS.) Yet the Earl, notwithstanding this admission, avows his determination of bridling the States by gaining possession of their cities. And again, a month later: "I will not be idle to do all that in me shall lie to make this island of Walcheren assured, whatsoever shall fall out: which, if it may be, your Majesty shall the less fear to make a good bargain for yourself, when the worst shall come." Leicester to the Queen, 5th Nov. 1587. (S. P. Office, MS.) interests of the Netherlands. In this they were mistaken. But they had reason for their mistake, because the negotiator De Loo, had expressly said, that, in her overtures to Farnese, she had abandoned that point altogether.1 If this had been so, it would have simply been a consent on the part of Elizabeth, that the Catholic religion and the Inquisition should be re-established in the Provinces, to the exclusion of every other form of worship or polity. In truth, however, the position taken by her Majesty on the subject was as fair as could be reasonably expected. Certainly she was no advocate for religious liberty. She chose that her own subjects should be Protestants, because she had chosen to be a Protestant herself, and because it was an incident of her supremacy, to dictate uniformity of creed to all beneath her sceptre. No more than her father, who sent to the stake or gallows heretics to transubstantiation as well as believers in the Pope, had Elizabeth the faintest idea of religious freedom. Heretics to the English Church were persecuted, fined, imprisoned, mutilated, and murdered, by sword, rope, and fire. In some respects, the practice towards those who dissented from Elizabeth was more immoral and illogical, even if less cruel, than that to which those were subjected who rebelled against Sixtus. The Act of Uniformity required Papists to assist at the Protestant worship, but wealthy Papists could obtain immunity by an enormous fine. The Roman excuse to destroy bodies in order to save souls, could scarcely be alledged by a Church which might be bribed into connivance at heresy, and which derived a revenue from the very nonconformity for which humbler victims were sent to the gallows. It would, however, be unjust in the extreme to overlook the enormous difference in the amount of persecution, exercised respectively by the Protestant and the Roman Church. It is probable that not many more than two hundred Catholics were executed 1 "I have sent her Majesty another letter from De Loo, whereby it seemeth that now very lately her Majesty hath given him to understand that she will not insist upon the matter of religion further than shall be with the King's honour and conscience. Whereupon 2 De Loo taketh no small hold, and if she keep that course, all will go to ruin, as I have written to her Majesty." Buckhurst to Walsingham, 18 June, 1587. (S. P. Office MS.) 2 "Dod reckons them at 191; Milner has raised the list to 204. Fifteen |