charts of which the statesmen and generals of Spain were daily conning. Wilkes, too, while defending Leicester stoutly behind his back, doing his best to explain his short-comings, lauding his courage and generosity, and advocating his beloved theory of popular sovereignty with much ingenuity and eloquence, had told him the truth to his face. Although assuring him that if he came back soon, he might rule the States "as a schoolmaster doth his boys,"1 he did not fail to set before him the disastrous effects of his sudden departure and of his protracted absence; he had painted in darkest colours the results of the Deventer treason, he had unveiled the cabals against his authority, he had repeatedly and vehemently implored his return; he had informed the Queen, that notwithstanding some errors of administration, he was much the fittest man to represent her in the Netherlands, and that he could accomplish, by reason of his experience, more in three months than any other men could do in a year. He had done his best to reconcile the feuds which existed between him and important personages in the Netherlands, he had been the author of the complimentary letters sent to him in the name of the States-General-to the great satisfaction of the Queenbut he had not given up his friendship with Sir John Norris, because he said "the virtues of the man made him as worthy of love as any one living, and because the more he knew him, the more he had cause to affect and to admire him."2 This was the unpardonable offence, and for this, and for having told the truth about the accounts, Leicester denounced Wilkes to the Queen as a traitor and a hypocrite, and threatened repeatedly to take his life. He had even the meanness to prejudice Burghley against him-by insinuating to the Lord-Treasurer that he too had been maligned by Wilkes-and thus most effectually damaged the character of the plain-spoken councillor with the Queen and many of 1 Wilkes to Walsingham, 17 Feb. 1587. (S. P. Office MS.) 2 Ibid. Same to the Queen, 16 Feb. 1587. 1587. Same to Walsingham, 17 May, (S. P. Office MSS.) 1587. INDIGNANT DISCUSSION IN THE ASSEMBLY. 187 her advisers; notwithstanding that he plaintively besought her to "allow him to reiterate his sorry song, as doth the cuckoo, that she would please not condemn her poor servant unheard."1 Immediate action was taken on the Deventer treason, and on the general relations between the States-General and the English government. Barneveld immediately drew up a severe letter to the Earl of Leicester. On the 2nd February Wilkes came by chance into the assembly of the StatesGeneral, with the rest of the councillors, and found Barneveld just demanding the public reading of that document. The letter was read. Wilkes then rose and made a few remarks. "The letter seems rather sharp upon his Excellency," he observed. "There is not a word in it," answered Barneveld curtly, "that is not perfectly true;" and with this he cut the matter short, and made a long speech upon other matters which were then before the assembly. Wilkes, very anxious as to the effect of the letter, both upon public feeling in England and upon his own position as English councillor, waited immediately upon Count Maurice, President van der Myle, and upon Villiers the clergyman, and implored their interposition to prevent the transmission of the epistle. They promised to make an effort to delay its despatch or to mitigate its tone. A fortnight afterwards, however, Wilkes learned with dismay, that the document (the leading passages of which will be given hereafter) had been sent to its destination.2 Meantime, a consultation of civilians and of the family council of Count Maurice was held, and it was determined that the Count should assume the title of Prince more formally than he had hitherto done,3 in order that the actual head of the Nassaus might be superior in rank to Leicester or to any 1 Wilkes to the Queen, 8 Feb. 1587. (S. P. Office MS.) 2 Wilkes to Walsingham, 17 May, 1587. (S. P. Office MS.) Compare Wagenaar, viii. 201, who states that the famous 4th of February letter was read and approved by Wilkes. This is an error, as appears in the narrative given in the text from the MS. letter-book of Wilkes. 3 Memorial given by Wilkes to Sir R. Williams, Feb. 1587. (S. P. Office MS.) Compare Le Petit, II. xiv. 541. Wagenaar, viii. 203-204. Maurice was also governor-general, That formidable man who could be sent from England. appointed by the States, provisionally, with Hohenlo for his lieutenant-general. personage, now fully restored to health, made himself very busy in securing towns and garrisons for the party of Holland, and in cashiering all functionaries suspected of English tendencies. Especially he became most intimate with Count Moeurs, stadholder of Utrecht-the hatred of which individual and his wife towards Leicester and the English nation, springing originally from the unfortunate babble of Otheman, had grown more intense than ever,-"banquetting and feasting" with him all day long, and concocting a scheme, by which, for certain considerations, the province of Utrecht was to be annexed to Holland under the perpetual stadholderate of Prince Maurice. 1 Meteren, xiv. 250. Wagenaar, viii. 204. Reyd, vi. 100, 1587. LEICESTER IN ENGLAND. 189 CHAPTER XIV. Leicester in England-Trial of the Queen of Scots-Fearful Perplexity at the English Court-Infatuation and Obstinacy of the Queen-Netherland Envoys in England-Queen's bitter Invective against them-Amazement of the Envoys-They consult with her chief CouncillorsRemarks of Burghley and Davison-Fourth of February Letter from the States-Its severe Language towards Leicester-Painful Position of the Envoys at Court-Queen's Parsimony towards Leicester. THE scene shifts, for a brief interval, to England. Leicester had reached the court late in November. Those "blessed beams," under whose shade he was wont to find so much refreshment and nutrition," had again fallen with full radiance upon him. "Never since I was born," said he, "did I receive a more gracious welcome." Alas, there was not so much benignity for the starving English soldiers, nor for the Provinces, which were fast growing desperate; but although their cause was so intimately connected with the 66 great cause," which then occupied Elizabeth, almost to the exclusion of other matter, it was, perhaps, not wonderful, although unfortunate, that for a time the Netherlands should be neglected. 66 The daughter of debate" had at last brought herself, it was supposed, within the letter of the law, and now began those odious scenes of hypocrisy on the part of Elizabeth, that frightful comedy-more melancholy even than the solemn tragedy which it preceded and followed-which must ever remain the darkest passage in the history of the Queen. It is unnecessary, in these pages, to make more than a passing allusion to the condemnation and death of the Queen of Scots. Who doubts her participation in the Babington conspiracy? Who doubts that she was the centre of one endless 1 Leicester to Wilkes, 4 Dec. 1587. (S. P. Office MS.) conspiracy by Spain and Rome against the throne and life of Elizabeth? Who doubts that her long imprisonment in England was a violation of all law, all justice, all humanity? Who doubts that the fineing, whipping, torturing, hanging, embowelling of men, women, and children, guilty of no other crime than adhesion to the Catholic faith, had assisted the Pope and Philip, and their band of English, Scotch, and Irish conspirators, to shake Elizabeth's throne and endanger her life? Who doubts that, had the English sovereign been capable of conceiving the great thought of religious toleration, her reign would have been more glorious than it was, the cause of Protestantism and freedom more triumphant, the name of Elizabeth Tudor dearer to human hearts? Who doubts that there were many enlightened and noble spirits among her Protestant subjects who lifted up their voices, over and over again, in parliament and out of it, to denounce that wicked persecution exercised upon their innocent Catholic brethren, which was fast converting loyal Englishmen, against their will, into traitors and conspirators ? Yet who doubts that it would have required, at exactly that moment, and in the midst of that crisis, more elevation of soul than could fairly be predicated of any individual, for Elizabeth in 1587 to pardon Mary, or to relax in the severity of her legislation towards English Papists ? It was Yet, although a display of sublime virtue, such as the world has rarely seen, was not to be expected, it was reasonable to look for honest and royal dealing, from a great sovereign, brought at last face to face with a great event. The " The "great cause" demanded a great, straightforward blow. obvious, however, that it would be difficult, in the midst of the tragedy and the comedy, for the Nethetland business to come fairly before her Majesty. "Touching the Low Country causes," said Leicester, "very little is done yet, by reason of the continued business we have had about the Queen of Scots' matters. All the speech I have had with her Majesty hitherto touching those causes hath been but private."1 1 Leicester to Wilkes, 4 Dec. 1586. (S. P. Office MS.) |