boundary, and New Mexico and Upper California were ceded to the United States; in consideration of which, the United States were to pay to Mexico fifteen millions of dollars, and to discharge the deferred claims of our citizens upon Mexico.

CHAPTER LXVIII.

THE OREGON QUESTION.

Soon after the close of the session of congress in 1844, a negotiation was commenced at Washington, between the secretary of state, and the British minister, (Pakenham,) relative to the rights of their respective nations in Oregon. The administration having repeatedly expressed the determination to maintain our claim to the whole of Oregon, and to have “the whole or none,” which was understood to mean, that the full extent of our claim would be enforced, if necessary, by a resort to arms, the result of the negotiation was awaited with much anxiety. More than a year passed, and the public mind was still uninformed of the state of the negotiation. It was rumored, indeed, that our government had offered to the British minister to treat on the parallel of the 49th degree as the boundary. The “Union,” the official paper, contradicted the rumor, October 6, 1845, and reässerted the purpose of the administration to insist on “the whole of Oregon, or none," as "the only alternative." It said: “When that word goes forth from the constituted authorities of the nation, Our right to Oregon is clear and unquestionable,' who doubts that it will go the whole length and breadth of the land, and that it will be hailed as it goes, by the democratic party, with one unanimous AMEN! And what then? We answer this, then—the democracy of this country will stand to its word. It will not flinch."

The persistence in the claim to the whole territory, which, it was believed, Great Britain would not relinquish, excited, in many minds, apprehensions of war. Some of the opposition considered it as the “trump card of Mr. Polk's second candidacy.” “Mr. Polk and his advisers," it was said, “ to gain western votes and western influence, were perfectly willing to involve the country in war.” It was predicted that he would recommend, in his next message, taking possession of all Oregon; and England would quietly wait the action of congress. Should the recommendation be carried out, immediate war would be

inevitable. But congress would commit no such folly. They know now, which they did not last winter, that to vote for such a measure is to vote for war, and not a party vote to Buncombe.'

The declaration of the official paper, (The Union,) and other leading administration journals, in favor of taking possession of the whole territory, was enforced by quoting a sentiment ascribed to Gen. Jackson : “No compromise but at the cannon's mouth!” Although public sentiment appeared to be generally in favor of the justice of our claim to the whole territory, a large portion of the democratic press, as well as many prominent men of the administration party, were not in favor of insisting on the whole territory, at the hazard of war. Taking posses sion of the territory, and exercising exclusive jurisdiction over it, would have been a direct violation of the treaty which required the year's notice to be given in order to terminate the joint occupancy; and a law to carry into effect the proposed measure could scarcely have failed to provoke a war. There were those who urged the giving of the notice as a means of hastening a settlement of the controversy. Others, among whom was Mr. Calhoun, were in favor of a compromise. This had been proposed by Mr. Benton, in 1828, who, in executive session, introduced resolutions, declaring it “not expedient to treat any longer with Great Britain upon the basis of a joint occupation of Oregon ;" but “expedient to treat upon the basis of a separation of interests, and the establishment of the ForTY-NINTH DEGREE of north latitude as a permanent boundary.”

The president's message, which had been awaited with much anxiety, did not meet the expectations of those who had formed their opinions from the declarations of the advocates of “the whole or none” policy. Mr. Polk recapitulated briefly the history of the controversy. Не adverted to the negotiations of 1818, 1824, and 1826; the two first under the administration of Mr. Monroe, and the last under that of Mr. Adams; that of 1818 baving resulted in the convention providing for the joint occupancy; that of 1824 having been productive of no result; and that of 1826 having resulted in the convention of 1827, by which the joint occupancy was continued for an indefinite period, and until the convention should be annulled; which could be done by either party after the expiration of the ten years of joint occupation from October, 1818, by giving the other twelve months' previous notice to that effect.

In former attempts at adjustment, the United States had offered the parallel of the forty-ninth degree, with the free navigation of the Colum. bia river south of that degree. Great Britain had proposed the fortyninth degree from the Rocky mountains to its intersection with the north-easternmost branch of that river, and thence down the channel of

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the same to the sea, with a small detached territory north of the Columbia. But neither party had accepted the proposition of the other. October, 1843, our minister in London was authorized to repeat the offers of 1818 and 1826; and in 1844, after the negotiation had been transferred to Washington during the administration of Mr. Tyler, the British minister proposed the same line as that before offered by that government; the navigation to be free to both parties; and a detached territory north of the river being also again offered, with the privilege, in addition, of the free use of all the ports south of latitude forty-nine. This proposition having been rejected by our government, no other was made by the British plenipotentiary.

The president said, that, although he believed the British pretensions to any portion of the Oregon territory could not be maintained upon any principle of public law recognized by nations, he had in deference to what had been done by two of his predecessors, offered to divide on the forty-ninth degree, but without conceding to Great Britain the free navigation of the Columbia. This proposition having been rejected, it had been withdrawn, and our title to the whole territory asserted. It now became the duty of congress to consider what measure to adopt for the security and protection of our citizens in that country, and the maintenance of our title; taking care not to violate the treaty of 1827, which was still in force. He recommended that the notice of the discontinuance of the joint occupancy should be given; and that the protection of our laws should be extended over our citizens in Oregon, as Great Britain had extended her laws and jurisdiction prer her subjects in that territory.

Negotiation having been again abandoned, and movements being on foot in England which were regarded as preparations for war, another conflict with that power, more or less remote, began to be seriously apprehended. The president's message was soon followed by a variety of propositions in congress. In the senate, Mr. Atchison introduced resolutions suggesting the organization of a government for Oregon, and the arming and equipping of the militia of that territory. Mr. Cass offered resolutions proposing preparations for war. Mr. Hannegan introduced resolutions asserting our title to all Oregon, and declaring “the surrender of any portion of it an abandonment of the honor, character, and best interests of the American people.” Mr. Allen proposed a notice to terminate the joint occupancy. Mr. Calhoun offered a series of resolutions as an amendment to Hannegan's, declaring that, however clear our title might be to the whole of that territory, there did exist, and had long existed, conflicting claims on the part of Great Britain; and that the president, in renewing the offer to compromise on the

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49th degree, did not " abandon the honor, character, and best interests of the American people."

Mr. Calhoun considered Mr. Hannegan's resolutions as reflecting, by implication, upon the president for having offered to compromise on the line of the forty-ninth degree. He objected to the resolutions, that if they should be adopted, the question could only be settled by force of

He was in favor of a pacific course-of an adjustment, if possible, by negotiation.

Mr. Hannegan said he had no intention of casting a censure upon the president. The aspect of things had changed since the proposition had

. been made to divide at the 49th parallel. He, too, was for peace; but when peace became degrading and dishonorable, a war even of extermination would be preferable. And for one, representing the people he did, he never would vote for any treaty yielding an inch of ground below 54 degrees and 40 minutes north.

In the house, Mr. Winthrop offered resolutions, declaring it a dishonor to the age, and discreditable to both nations, to be drawn into war, and that it was due to the principles of civilization and Christianity, that a resort be had to arbitration. Mr. Douglas proposed to resolve, that the subject was not open to compromise, so as to surrender any part of the territory, and that the question of title should not be left to arbitration.

About this time there appeared a singular state of parties in congress. Mr. Calhoun occupied the same position as in 1843, when he was in favor of a “masterly inactivity;" that is, he was for leaving the territory quietly to fall into the arms of the union, as it naturally would, at no very distant day. Mr. Cass's resolutions were forthwith unanimously adopted by the senate. This was regarded as an indirect approval of the views of the president; and yet, upon authority deemed reliable, it was believed that the administration desired that the question should be settled by negotiation. Both Hannegan's and Calhoun's resolutions were considered ill-advised; virtually taking the question out of the hands of the administration, who, it was said, had managed it satisfactorily to the people. The adoption of Mr. Hannegan's resohutions would, it was apprehended, have the effect of precluding all future efforts at negotiation. Mr. Calhoun's resolutions were deemed objectionable, as they would "create an impression that a portion of the democratic party were about to give the whigs the coveted opportunity to defeat the honorable and peaceable settlement of the controversy by the present administration."

A very unexpected course was taken by a portion of the whigs. In the house, on the 2d of January, 1846, Mr. Cunningham, of Ohio, a deznocrat, asked leave to introduce a resolution, which, after stating in a

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preamble, that the rejection, by Great Britian, of the li beral proposition of the president had terminated all negotiations on the Oregon question! that her extraordinary demands had made it manifest that no satisfactory compromise could be effected; that our title to all the country between the parallels of 42 degrees, and 54 degrees and 40 minutes north latitude, and west of the Rocky Mountains, was clear and unquestionable; and that no portion of it could be honorably surrendered, declared it to be “the imperative duty of congress to adopt immediately such measures as would fully protect our citizens who now do, or may hereafter inhabit that country, and effectually maintain our just title to the whole of the country of the Oregon."

Objection having been made to the introduction of the resolution, the question was taken on a motion to suspend the rules for the

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of the immediate reception of the resolution, when, the first name called being that of Mr. Adams, a sensation was produced in the house by his voting aye. Other whigs also voted in the affirmative. The motion to suspend, however, was lost.

Mr. Douglas had previously reported a bill for extending the laws of the United States over the territory of Oregon; and for the protection of its inhabitants; which having been made the special order for a future day, Mr. Haralson, from the committee on military affairs, reported a bill for the organization of two regiments of riflemen, and moved that it be made a special order, assigning as a reason, that it had immediate connection with the object of the Oregon territorial bill of Mr. Douglas. Upon this motion a debate arose, in which Mr. Adams took a prominent part, and excited much surprise and a deep sensation.

Mr. Adams was against the bill as unnecessary, both because a similar bill for one regiment was in progress in the senate, and because he

“no danger of war at this time." If any danger of war was appre hended, the first measure to be taken ought to be to give notice to Great Britain that we meant to terminate the joint occupancy.

Yet it was not a joint occupancy; and he had been surprised at the language of some gentlemen on the subject. The treaty acknowledged no occupation of the territory by either party; it was a mere commercial convention for free navigation, but did not admit the occupation, by either party, of an inch of territory by the other. Twelve months after such potice should have been given, the right would accrue to us to occupy any part of the territory. To the bill which had passed at the last session, he had moved a section, requiring such notice to be given; but the bill had been lost in the senate. He had then declared, and he now declared himself ready to give such notice. He hoped it would be given, and followed by a real occupation of the whole territory. [This declara

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