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1826, had said: “It is well for us, however, to be admonished of the necessity of abiding by the maxims of the most vigilant economy, and of resorting to all honorable expedients, for pursuing, with steady and inflexible perseverance, the total discharge of the debt.” And in the message of December, 1827, he says: “The deep solicitude felt by all classes throughout the union, for the total discharge of the public debt, will apologize for the earnestness with which I deem it my duty to urge this topic upon the consideration of congress, of recommending to them again the strictest economy in the application of the public funds."

Mr. Wright said he had, two years ago, proposed to amend the rules of the house, so as to authorize the raising of a standing committee on retrenchment, to ascertain abuses, and suggest measures of economy; and at the last session he had proposed an inquiry into the expenditure of the contingent fund of the house. If unnecessary offices existed, it was not to be charged to the administration, as no new offices had been created. Nor had they raised the salaries of any officers, except that of the postmaster-general; and this was demanded by the increasing business of his department.

The administration was declared to be desirous of paying the public debt. The $10,000,000 annually reserved as a sinking fund, must inevitably pay the debt. The present administration had paid, not only the ten millions annually, but a part of the deficiencies of the preceding administration.

Of the 9,000 officers said to be employed in the various departments, it ought to have been stated, that between 7,000 and 8,000 were deputy postmasters.

The academy at West Point was defended by several members. It had been recommended by Washington, and established during the administration of Jefferson, and cherished by every subsequent administration. The number of cadets to be appointed, and the recommendation and selection of candidates for admission, were regulated by law, and not by the administration. It was true, there were not always vacancies in the army for the immediate employment of all the cadets; but they soon became merged in the register, and ceased to be supernumeraries. The academy was also defended by Mr. Buchanan, an opposition member, who considered an institution of this kind as the best plan of military instruction ever devised, and necessary as a means of providing for the common defense. The supply of officers, however, was too great for the demand of the army; or, if gentlemen pleased, the army was too small for the academy.

The mission to England, it was said, had been tendered to Gov Clinton, of New York, and by him declined, he having just been elected

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governor. It was next offered to Mr. King, who, of all men in the nation, was generally acknowledged to be best qualified to settle the difficulties between the two countries: and the appointment was such as the senate approved. At the time of the appointment, his health was sufficient to transact the public business. But he became sick, and returned home, and soon after died. Mr. Gallatin was appointed as his successor. The mission had not been unsuccessful. A treaty had been effected, by which $1,200,000 had been allowed us for slaves carried away during the last war; and by another treaty, the boundary line between the United States and the British colonies had been settled; thus terminating two long standing difficulties between the two countries.

In relation to the matter of John A. King, it was said, that, from an official report of the secretary of state made at the preceding session, in answer to a call from the house of representatives, it appeared to have been the uniform practice under preceding administrations, when a minister left a court before a successor arrived, to leave some one in charge of our diplomatic affairs; and the charge had, perhaps, always been devolved upon the secretary of legation. Nor did the compensation allowed Mr. King exceed the allowances in similar cases under former administrations.

John H. Pleasants had received, as bearer of dispatches, the usual sum, and no more. He embarked for South America, but was prevented by sickness from going the whole distance. He however employed a person to deliver the dispatches, and the service was satisfactorily performed.

The Panama mission, it was said, had received the sanction of both houses, and been approved by the nation. What would not have been said against the administration, if the invitation to attend the meeting had not been accepted? The administration was not responsible for the failure of the meeting.

In reply to the charge, that the West India trade bad been lost by the diplomatic blunders of the administration, Mr. Bartlett, of New Hampshire, stated the facts to be as follows: When, during the administration of Mr. Monroe, this subject was under negotiation, our govern. ment insisted on having the same privileges in this trade as the British North American colonies. That was the question at the close of his term. So soon as that point could with decency be surrendered by his successor, it was given up. Then the British government insisted on regulating the business by reciprocal acts of legislation, which would have left our commerce to the caprice or interest of parliament, or even to the less formal annihilation by a decree in council. This annunciation was accompanied with the additional suggestion, that, if we should legislate for such a purpose, they would not even hold out an encouragement that they would meet us in such compromise. Congress refused to act in that crisis, and left the president no alternative but to execute former existing laws. But subsequent c.egotiation had secured to us that trade upon a better foundation ilan any act of parliament would give it. Sweden had a treaty wit) Great Britain, securing reciprocal advantages of trade with her Wust India possessions: and by a treaty with Sweden, just published, we had secured a trade, on the most advantageous terms, to the island of St. Bartholomews. This gave us an indirect trade to the British islands, to which our trade had always been in articles of necessity to them. They must still have them, and pay for the indirectness of the trade, while their ships are excluded from the trade to this country, giving us both the outward and home freight.

Another charge of extravagant expenditure, had been founded upon a comparison of this administration with that of Mr. Jefferson, made by Mr. Rives, of Virginia, who considered three or four millions as the ordinary current expenses of Mr. Jefferson's administration, and the ordinary current expenses of the present, thirteen millions. Mr. Bartlett, by a different process of calculation, made the expenses of the former greater, and those of the latter less, than his opponent had done. A great change, too, in the condition of the country had taken place. At the former period, the house consisted of 140 members, now of 213. In the senate there were then 32, now 48. The expenses of the two branches was then $164,526, now $471,800. Our army, in 1802, consisting of 2,400 men, cost $844,009; now it consisted of 6,000 men, and cost $2,050,317. There had also been a corresponding increase of the navy, and consequently of its expenses. Since that period, too, we had paid large sums to extinguish Indian titles. Claims growing out of the late war had been paid; and a million and a half of dollars were distributed among the soldiers of the revolution.

It had been stated, that the expense of foreign intercourse in the last three years of Mr. Monroe's administration had been $280,000, and in the three first years of the present, $413,000. But in this statement, the appropriations for 1825, which had been made before Mr. Adams came into office, had been erroneously imputed to him. By comparing the appropriations for foreign intercourse for 1823, 1824, and 1825, with those for 1826, 1827, and 1828, it would appear, that, in the latter period, the expense was $27,000 less than in the former. Other comparisons with preceding administrations were made by Mr. B., representing the expenses of Mr. Adams' administration to have been less than those of its predecessors.

The appointment of members of congress to office who had voted for

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Mr. Adams in the house, had been referred to as an evidence of the corruption of the administration. Mr. Jefferson's administration had been held up as a model for imitation. He, too, had been chosen by the house; and he had appointed a larger number of members of congress to office than Mr. Adams had. The old charge of bargain and intrigue, as connected with the last presidential election, had been reiterated, notwithstanding the gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Buchanan,) who had been designated by the accuser as witness, had said in his place to this house, and to the world : “Of the charge of corruption in the election, I will not speak: if there was any, I know it not.”

Mr. Adams had been charged with “ lawless constructions” of the constitution and laws to extend his power and patronage. And under this construction he had appointed foreign ministers on original missions, in the recess of the senate. The same power, said Mr. Wright, of Ohio, had been exercised by Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe; and he cited the instances. Mr. Jefferson had, in the recess of the senate, in 1801, instituted the office of secretary of legation, and commissioned one such officer to France, and another to Spain; and he had appointed six consuls to places, to which none had been sent before.

But we have not room to pursue this debate, a large portion of which would scarcely be considered creditable to the body in which it occurred. It abounded with personalities and criminations. Certain acts of Mr. Adams before his election, and those of his competitor for the presidency, were made the subject of severe animadversion.

The motives of the opposition were impugned. Every preceding administration, it was said, had been similarly assailed. The object was to overthrow the administration. A certain letter published in the opposition papers, and highly applauded, was referred to as evidence of a combination of the friends of the disappointed rival candidates for this purpose.

The letter said: “To the friends Jackson and Crawford, those of John C. Calhoun are added; and the union forms such a force of numbers, talents, and influence, that it would seem improbable that this can be effectively met by Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay and their friends, aided by their united experience, ability, patronage, and official advantages, great as they are. Men are so very sincere in their dislikes, that the most opposite natures will coalesce to diminish the power of an object of a higher common aversion, and will surrender the strongest personal competition to unite for mutual safety.”

On the 6th of February, 1828, the resolutions of Mr. Chilton, having been considerably amended, were referred to a select committee, consistof Messrs. Hamilton, Ingham, Sergeant, Rives, Everett, Wickliffe, and Wright, of New York. On the 22d of May, this committee reported resolutions instituting an inquiry, during the recess of congress, into the socounts of Gales and Seaton, as public printers, the prices paid them for printing, &c., and whether in any instances, they had departed from the standard ; and requiring a report and statement to be submitted at the next session of congress.

On the 24th of May, the last business day of the session preceding the day of adjournment, Mr. Hamilton reported a mass of papers and documents which had accumulated in the course of the investigations of the committee, and stated, that, from want of time, they had not been able to prepare the bills and resolutions necessary to carry their recommendation into effect; but it was their intention to move a recommitment of the report for this purpose, on an early day of the next session. A minority report was submitted by Mr. Sergeant.

Accordingly, on the 31st of December, 1828, Mr. Hamilton moved the commitment of the report, and assured the house that the requisite bill should be prepared with all possible expedition. On the 24th of January, 1829, a resolution on the subject of stationery came up, which, after a short debate, was, on motion of Mr. Hamilton, laid on the table

a with a view to its being embraced in the bill about to be reported for the whole retrenchment of the house. No bill, however, was reported.

CHAPTER XXXIII,

PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONEERING.– JEFFERSON'S OPINIONS OF THE CANDI.

DATES.-ADAMS AND GILES CONTROVERSY.

Among the means employed to advance the interests of the candidates for the presidency, were attempts, on the part of their friends, to avail themselves of the influence of the opinions of Mr. Jefferson.

On the 20th of November, 1827, a number of citizens of the state of Illinois, addressed to Gov. Coles, of that state, a letter, in which they said they had seen in the public papers, opinions said to have been expressed to him by Mr. Jefferson of Gen. Jackson, a short time before the death of the former. They said also that the United States Telegraph, (the Jackson paper at Washington,) had asserted that he (Gov. Coles) had denied ever having made the statements imputed to him, and that other papers declared that he had made them : and they requested him to state, as nearly as possible, the last conversation he had with Mr. Jefferson in relation to Gen. Jackson and his fitness for the presidency.

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