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Austro-Hungarian Ambassador, and the German attachés Boy-Ed and von Papen, dismissed by our Government (November 4, 1915) on clear proof of guilt, but no apologies to us or reprimand to them issued by their Governments. German intrigues against us in Cuba, Haiti, San Domingo, Mexico, etc.-For a defense of our policy in permitting sale of munitions, etc., see letter of Secretary of State W. J. Bryan to Senator Stone, January 20, 1915 (in International Conciliation, No. 96). (See War Cyclopedia, under "Der Tag-When?," "Dumba," "German Intrigue," "Igel, von, Papers of,' "German Government, Moral Bankruptcy of," "Manila Bay, Dewey and Diedrichs at," "Monroe Doctrine, German Attitude," "Intrigue," "Munitions," "Papen," "Sabotage." "Spies," "Strict Accountability," "Submarine Blockade," "Submarine Warfare," "Parole," "War Zone, German," and under names of vessels, etc.) 7. Apparent settlement of the submarine controversy in May, 1916.-Sinking of the channel passenger ship Sussex without warning on March 24, 1916, after months of expostulation, precipitates a crisis. Our demand that thenceforth Germany conduct her submarine warfare in accordance with international law, by (a) warning vessels before sinking then, and (b) placing passengers and crew in safety. Germany's conditional agreement to comply with this demand ends the crisis. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Submarine Warfare, American Lives Lost," "Submarine Warfare, German Defense," "Submarine Warfare, Illegalities," "Submarine Warfare, Stages of," "Sussex," "Sussex Ultimatum," "Sussex Ultimatum, German Pledge," etc.) 8. Unceasing German intrigues against the United States. A semi-official list of intrigue charges against the German Government, based on one set only of German documents seized by our Government (the von Igel papers), includes the following: "Violation of the laws of the United States; destruction of lives and property in merchant vessels on the high seas; Irish revolutionary plots against Great Britain; fomenting ill feeling against the United States in Mexico; subornation of American writers and lecturers; financing of propaganda; maintenance of a spy system under the guise of a commercial investigation bureau; subsidizing of a bureau for the purpose of stirring up labor troubles in munition plants; the bomb industry and other related activities." Since our entrance into the war a vast amount of evidence as to Germany's treacherous and hostile intrigues on our soil has come into the possession of our Government. (See War Cyclopedia, under "German Intrigue," "Ingel, von, Papers of," "Parole," "Passports, German Frauds," etc.)

"From the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of Justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, with the support, and even under

the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial German Government accredited to the Government of the United States."-(President Wilson, Speech of April 2, 1917).

9. Reasons for our long enduring patience in dealing with Germany: (a) Hope that saner counsels might prevail in that country. (b) Our traditional sense of responsibility toward all the republics of the New World. (c) The desire, by keeping free from the conflict, more effectively to aid in restoring peace at its close. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Pan-Americanism," "Permanent Peace." "Watchful Waiting," etc.)

II. FROM NEUTRALITY TO WAR (1916-17).

1. Unsuccessful Peace overtures (Dec. 1916-Jan. 1917). Independent overtures by Germany (Dec. 12, 1916), and by President Wilson (Dec. 18). Answer of the Allies based on the reasonable idea of "Reparation, Restoration and Security." Refusal of Germany to disclose her terms. (See War Cyclopedia, under “Peace Overtures, German, 1916," "Peace Terms, German Industrialists on," "Peace Terms, German Professors on," etc.)

"Boasting of German conquests, 'the glorious deeds of our armies,' the [German] note implanted in neutral minds the belief that it was the purpose of the Imperial German Government to insist upon such conditions as would leave all Central Europe under German dominance and so build up an empire which would menace the whole liberal world. Moreover, the German proposal was accompanied by a thinly veiled threat to all neutral nations; and from a thousand sources, official and unofficial, the word came to Washington that unles the neutrals used their influence to bring the war to an end on terms dictated from Berlin, Germany and her allies would consider themselves henceforth free from any obligations to respect the rights of neutrals. The Kaiser ordered the neutrals to exert pressure on the Entente to bring the war to an abrupt end, or to beware of the consequences. Clear warnings were brought to our Government that if the German peace move should not be successful the submarines would be unleashed for a more intense and ruthless war upon all commerce." (How the War Came to America, pp. 10–11. See War Cyclopedia, under "German Military Dominance," "Mittel Europa," etc.)

2. President Wilson outlined such a peace as the United States could join in guaranteeing (Jan. 22, 1917). Favorable reception of these proposals in the Entente countries; lack of response in Germany. (See War Cyclopedia, under “Aim of the United States,” “America, Creed," "Balance of Power," "League to Enforce Peace," "Permanent Peace, American Plan.")

"No peace can last, or ought to last, which does not [1] recognize and accept the principle that governments derive all their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand people about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were property . .

"I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world: that no nation should seek to extend its policy over any other nation or people

but that every people should be left free to determine its own policy, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened,, unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful.

"I am proposing [2] that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances which would draw them into competitions of power, catch them in a net of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with influences intruded from without. There is no entangling alliance in a concert of power. When all unite to act in the same sense and with the same purpose, all act in the common interest and are free to live their own lives under a common protection.

"I am proposing. . . [3] that freedom of the seas which in international conference after conference representatives of the United States have urged with the eloquence of those who are the convinced disciples of liberty; and [4] that moderation of armaments which make of armies and navies a power for order merely, not an instrument of aggression or of selfish violence."

[5] "Mere agreements may not make peace secure. It will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now engaged or any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no nation, no probable combination of nations, could face or withstand it. If the peace presently to be made is to endure, it must be a peace made secure by the organized major force of mankind." (President Wilson, Speech to U. S. Senate, Jan. 22, 1917.)

3. The "Zimmermann note" falls into the hands of the United States Government (dated Jan. 19, 1917; published through the Associated Press, February 28). In this the German Secretary for Foreign Affairs secretly informs the German minister to Mexico of the German intention to repudiate the Sussex pledge, and instructs him to offer the Mexican Government New Mexico and Arizona if Mexico will join with Japan in attacking the United States. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Zimmermann Note.")

4. The German Government officially notifies the United States (Jan. 31, 1917) that "from February 1, 1917, sea traffic will be stopped with every available weapon and without further notice." This meant the renewal of ruthless submarine operations, in violation of the pledge given after the sinking of the Sussex. (See War Cyclopedia, as above under I-7, also under "Submarine Warfare, Unrestricted.”)

"The German Chancellor . . . stated before the Imperial Diet that the reason this ruthless policy had not been earlier employed was simply because the Imperial Government had not then been ready to act. In brief, under the guise of friendship and the cloak of false promises, it had been preparing this attack.”(How the War Came to America, p. 13.)

5. German Ambassador to the United States dismissed and diplomatic relations severed (Feb. 3, 1917). This act was not equivalent to a declaration of war. President Wilson in his speech to the Senate announcing it distinguished sharply between the German Government and the German people.-Failure of the German Government to recall its submarine order led the President to

recommend to Congress (Feb. 26) a policy of “armed neutrality." More than 500 out of 531 members of the two houses of Congress were ready and anxious to act; but a "filibuster" of a handful of "willful men" defeated the measure, by prolonging the debate until the expiration of the congressional session, on March 4.—March 12, orders were finally issued to arm American merchant ships against submarines. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Armed Neutrality Adopted," "Diplomatic Immunity," "Prussian Treaties, Attempted Modification of," "United States, Break with Germany," "United States, Neutrality, 1914-17," etc.)

6. President Wilson urges the recognition of a state of war with Germany (April 2). (See War Cyclopedia, under "United States, Break with Germany," etc.)

"The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind. It is a warfare against all nations. American ships have been sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it . . . There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making; we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs; they cut to the very roots of human life.

"With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the Government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war . . . It will involve the utmost prac ticable co-operation in counsel and action with the Governments now at war with Germany.

"We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feelings towards them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse that their Government acted in entering this war. It was not with their previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the old unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their fellow men as pawns and tools. Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor States with spies or set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may

be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the privacy of courts or behind the carefully guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all the nation's affairs.

"A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic Government could be trusted to keep faith within it or to observe its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own...

"The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them...

"We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship [for the German people] in our daily attitude and actions towards the millions of men and women of German birth and native sympathy who live amongst us and share our life, and we shall be proud to prove it towards all who are in fact loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of stern repression; but if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and malignant few."-(Speech to the Senate, April 2, 1917)

7. Declaration of a state of war with Germany. Passed in the Senate (April 4) by a vote of 32 to 6; in the House (April 6), 373 to 50. (See War Cyclopedia, under "War, Declaration Against Germany.")

"Whereas, The Imperial German Government has committed repeated acts of war against the Government and the people of the United States of America: Therefore be it "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state of war between the United States and the Imperial German Government which has thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby formally declared; and that the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the Government to carry on war against the Imperial German Government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United

States."-(Joint Resolution of Congress, approved by the President, April 6, 1917)

8. Declaration of War against Austria-Hungary (Dec. 7, 1917). Passed unanimously in the Senate, and with one opposing vote (Meyer London, Socialist, from New York City, voting "present") in the House. (See War Cyclopedia, "Austria-Hungary, Break with," "Dumba, Recall of," "War, Declaration against Austria-Hungary.")

III. SUMMARY OF OUR REASONS FOR ENTERING THE WAR. 1. Because of the renewal by Germany of her submarine warfare in a more violent form than ever before, contrary to the assurance given to our Government in the spring of 1916. This resulted in the loss of additional American lives and property on the high seas and produced in the minds of the President and Congress the conviction that national interest and national honor required us to take up the gauntlet which Germany had thrown down. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Submarine Warfare, American Lives Lost," etc.)

2. Because of the conviction, unwillingly reached, that the Imperial German Government had repudiated wholesale the commonly accepted principles of law and humanity, and was "running amuck" as an international desperado, who could be made to respect law and right only by forcible and violent means. The cumulative effect of Germany's outrages should be noted in this connection. (See War Cyclopedia, under "German Diplomacy," "German Government, Moral Bankruptcy of.") 3. Because of the conviction that Prussian militarism and autocracy, let loose in the world, disturbed the balance of power and threatened to destroy the international equilibrium. They were a menace to all nations save those allied with Germany; and the menace must be overthrown, as Napoleonism had been at the beginning of the nineteenth century, by a coalition of the states whose honor, rights, and national existence were endangered. The Middle Europe project should receive attention in this connection. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Autocracy." "Hegemony," "Kaiserism," "MittelEuropa," "Prussianism," etc.)

4. Because of the gradual shaping of the conflict into a war between democratic nations on the one hand and autocratic nations on the other, and because of the conviction that, as our nation in Lincoln's day could not hope to long endure "half slave and half free," so the world community of today could not continue to exist part autocratic and part democratic. Note the effect of the Russian Revolution on the issues of the war. (See War Cyclopedia, under "Russian Revolution of 1917.")

5. Because of the conviction that our traditional policy of isolation and aloofness was outgrown and outworn, and could no longer be maintained in the face of the growing interdependence which is one of the leading characteristics of this modern age. (See War Cyclopedia, "United States, Isolation.")

6. Because of the menace to the Monroe Doctrine and to our own independence. (See War Cyclopedia, under "America Threatened," "Monroe Doctrine, German Attitude."

IV.

"The history, the character, the avowed principles of action, the manifest and undisguised purpose of the German autocracy made it clear and certain that if America stayed out of the Great War, and Germany won, America would forthwith be required to defend herself, and would be unable to defend herself, against the same lust for conquest, the same will to dominate the world which has made Europe a bloody shambles...

"If we had stayed out of the war and Germany had won, we should have had to defend the Monroe Doctrine by force or abandon it; and if we had abandoned it, there would have been a German naval base in the Caribbean commanding the Panama Canal, depriving us of that strategic line which unites the eastern and western coasts, and depriving us of the protection the expanse of ocean once gave.

"And an America unable or unwilling to protect herself against the establishment of a German naval base in the Caribbean would lie at the mercy of Germany and subject to Germany's orders.

"America's independence would be gone unless she was ready to fight for it, and her security would thenceforth be not a security of freedom but only a security purchased by submission."-(Elihu Root, speech in Chicago, Sept. 14, 1917).

DUTY OF ALL CITIZENS TO SUPPORT THE WAR WHOLE-
HEARTEDLY.

"A nation which declares war and goes on discussing whether it ought to have declared war or not is impotent, paralyzed, imbecile, and earns the contempt of mankind and the certainty of humiliating defeat and subjection to foreign control.

"A democracy which cannot accept its own decisions made in accordance with its own laws, but must keep on endlessly discussing the questions already decided, has failed in the fundamental requirements of self-government; and, if the decision is to make war, the failure to exhibit capacity for self-government by action will inevitably result in the loss of the right of self-government.

"Before the decision of a proposal to make war, men may range themselves upon one side or the other of the question; but after the decision in favor of war the country has ranged itself, and the only issue left for the individual citizen is whether he is for or against his country.

"From that time on arguments against the war in which the country is engaged are enemy arguments.

"Their spirit is the spirit of rebellion against the Government and laws of the United States.

"Their effect is to hinder and lessen that popular support of the Government in carrying on the war which is necessary to success.

"Their manifest purpose is to prevent action by continuing discussion.

"They encourage the enemy. They tend to introduce delay and irresolution into our own councils.

"The men who are speaking and writing and printing arguments against the war now, and against everything which is being done to carry on the war, are rendering more effective service to Germany than they ever could render in the field with arms in their hands. The purpose and effect of what they are doing is so plain that it is impossible to resist the conclusion that the greater part

of them are at heart traitors to the United States and willfully seeking to bring about the triumph of Germany and the humiliation and defeat of their own country.

"The same principles apply to the decision of numerous questions which arise in carrying on the war (such as conscription, sending troops to France, etc.] . . . .

"It is beyond doubt that many of the professed pacifists, the opponents of the war after the war has been entered upon, the men who are trying to stir up resistance to the draft, the men who are inciting strikes in the particular branches of production which are necessary for the supply of arms and munitions of war, are intentionally seeking to aid Germany and defeat the United States. As time goes on and the character of these acts becomes more and more clearly manifest, all who continue to associate with them must come under the same condemnation as traitors to their country."-(Elihu Root, speech at Chicago, Sept. 14, 1917).

For reading references on Chapter VIII, see page 40

IX. COURSE OF THE WAR, 1914-17
I. CAMPAIGN OF 1914.

1. Germany's general plan of action: First crush France, then Russia, then Great Britain. The German plan in its earlier stages was like a timetable, with each step scheduled by day and hour.

2. On the Western Front:

(a) Belgium overrun (August 4-20). Resistance of Liége, Namur, etc., overcome by giant artillery (42centimeter mortars); but the delay (of ten days) gave the French time to mobilize and threw the German plans out of gear. Liége occupied, August 7; Brussels, August 20; Namur, August 22; Louvain burned, August 26.

"Every minute in it [the German plan] was determined. From the German frontier, opposite Aixla-Chapelle, to the gap of the Oise, on the French frontier. there are six days' march. But

the passage of the Germans across Belgium in arms halted before Liége and before Namur, halted on the edge of the Gette, beaten on August 12 on the edge of the forest of Haelen, victorious on August 18 and 19 at Aerschot-had lasted sixteen days (August 4-20). The splendid effort of the Belgians had therefore made ten full days late the arrival of the German armies on the French frontier, from which only eight marches separated them from the advanced forts of Paris."-(Joseph Reinach, in N. Y. Times Current History, Sept., 1917, p. 495)

(b) Invasion of France. Advance of Germans in five armies through Belgium and Luxemburg: General von Moltke, chief of staff; Generals von Kluck, von Buelow, etc. Wary tactics of the French under General Joffre; arrival of the British expeditionary force (100,000 men) under General French (August 8-21); Battle of Mons-Charleroi (August 21–23); dogged withdrawal of the French and British from Belgium to the line of the River Marne, while a new French army (the Sixth) was being formed. -Advance of the Germans to within twenty miles of Paris; then sudden swerve to the east away from Paris.

(c) Battle of the Marne (September 6-10). The opposing forces in contact from Paris to Verdun, a front of one hundred and eighty miles. French attempt to turn the German west flank. German armies forced to retreat from the Marne to the River Aisne, where they entrenched.

The battle of the Marne was "one more decisive battle of the world, ... for Europe conceivably the greatest in permanent meaning since Waterloo. In that battle it has been decided that Europe should still be European and not Prussian. At the Marne, France had saved herself and Europe."(F. H. Simons, in American Review of Reviews, for February, 1915, page 179.)

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(d) Failure of the Allies (Scpt. 12-17) to break through the German line in the Battle of the Aisne. Exten

sion of the trench system from Switzerland to the North Sea (fall of Antwerp, Oct. 8). Importance of German conquest of Belgian coast as supplying bases for her later submarine warfare.

The battle line established after the Battle of the Aisne remained practically stationary, with some slight swaying backward and forward, for the next three years. The parts of France held by the Germans included ninety per cent of her iron ore, eighty per cent of her iron and steel manufactures, and fifty per cent of her coal resources.

(e) Battle of the River Yser (Oct. 16–28); Belgians cut dykes. First battle of Ypres (Oct. 22-Nov. 15); Prussian Guards defeated by the "contemptible little army" of Great Britain. German losses on Yser and at Ypres, 150,000.

2. On the Eastern Front:

(a) First Russian invasion of East Prussia (Aug. 18) following their unexpectedly rapid mobilization. The resulting necessity of withdrawing German troops from the West front helped to produce the German check on the Marne. Russians disastrously defeated among the Mazurian lakes in the Battle of Tannenburg (Aug. 26-Sept. 1). General Hindenburg thenceforth the idol of Germany. (b) Russian invasion of Galicia. Breakdown of the Austrian resistance. Capture of Tarnapol, Halicz and Lemberg (Aug. 27-Sept. 3); Jaroslav (Nov. 5); siege of Przemysl (surrendered March 22, 1915); invasion of Hungary threatened.

(c) German invasion of Russian Poland fails. Three offensives of German armies against Warsaw beaten off (Nov.-Dec.). Narrow escape of a German army from disaster in the Battle of Lodz (Nov. 19Dec. 3).

(d) Thanks to the relaxation of Austrian pressure, due to the foregoing events, Serbia expelled the Austrian invaders from her territory (Dec. 14).

8. Loss of Germany's colonies. New Guinea, Bismarck archipelago, etc., taken by the Australians (Sept.). Tsungtau (Nov. 7) and various Pacific islands captured by the Japanese. British conquest of Togoland (August 26); German Southwest Africa (July 15, 1915); Kamerun (Feb. 16, 1916); British invasion of German East Africa begun (conquest completed in December, 1917). Failure of De Wet's German-aided rebellion in

South Africa owing to loyalty of the Boers (Oct.-Dec., 1914).-Pro-Turkish Khedive of Egypt deposed, Brit ish protectorate proclaimed, and a new ruler set up with title of Sultan (Dec. 17, 1914).

4. Turkey openly joins the Teutonic Allies (Oct. 29). Defeat of Turks by Russians in the Caucasian region (Jan. 1915). Failure of Turkish attempts to invade Egypt (Feb. 3, 1915). Revolt of the "holy places" in Arabia against Turkish rule and establishment of a petty kingdom there (June 27, 1916).

5. Naval War. Great importance in the war of British naval preponderance, aided by early concentration in the North Sea. British naval victory in Helgoland Bight (Aug. 28). German naval victory in the Pacific off coast of Chili (Nov. 1). Three British cruisers torpedoed by submarines in the North Sea (Sept. 21). German cruiser Emden caught and destroyed at Cocos Island after sensational career (Nov. 10). British naval victory off Falkland islands (Dec. 8) avenges defeat of Nov. 1. German fleets driven from the seas. Disappearance of German shipping. Freedom of action for British transport of East Indian, New Zealand, Australian, and Canadian troops, etc., to Europe, and of Allied commerce, except for the (as yet slight) submarine danger. Error of Great Britain in failing to declare at once a rigid blockade of Germany.

6. Situation at close of 1914: On western front, defeat of the plan of the German General Staff; on eastern front, Teutonic forces held in check; Germany and Au tria as yet cut off from their new ally, Turkey. On the whole the advantage was on the side of the Entente Allies. But the Allied commanders (General Joffre, Lord Kitchener, and Grand Duke Nicholas) failed fully to grasp the needs of the situation. "Each of these leaders believed that the height of military efficiency had been reached in the past campaigns"; in the great development of barrier fire and the excellence of the French "75's." The Teutonic allies, on the other hand, "were making the colossal preparations of artillery and munitions which were destined to change the year 1915 into a tragedy for the Entente Allies."-(T. C. Frothingham, in N. Y. Times Current History, Sept., 1917, page 422.)

II. CAMPAIGN OF 1915.

1. On the West Front. Failure of the Allied offensive in Champagne (March-April); Battle of Neuve Chapelle. Second Battle of Ypres (April 22-26); Germans first use poison gas; heroism of the Canadians. Inade quacy of Allies' preparations for carrying the formidable German entrenchments. Desultory fighting through the summer. Failure of the second offensive in Champagne and Flanders (Sept.). General French superseded by General Haig as British commander in chief. Death of Lord Kitchener through the sinking of the warship Hampshire (June 7, 1916).

2. The Gallipoli Expedition. Failure of Allies to force the Dardanelles with their fleets alone (Feb.-March). Troops landed after long delay, in April and August. Abandonment of expedition in Dec.-Jan., after enor mous losses. Disastrous effects on the hesitating na

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