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of administration. Men thus educated would prove of great service to the Bureau of Labor or to the Bureau of Statistics. They would be capable of doing much of the special work now required in the taking or elaboration of the United States census. At present special economic or statistical work is sometimes done by men selected upon political recommendation and not always thoroughly fitted for the task required.
That this idea is in the air of Washington and is not deemed impracticable by practical politicians is seen in the recent remark of Mr. Trenbolm, Comptroller of the Currency, who is reported to have said: “It is my intention to take young men from various parts of the country and give them a preliminary training in this office; fit them for bank examicers, and then appoint them. By this arrangement I think I will be able to have in these positions men who have excellent qualifications for their duties, and thus make a most efficient force of bank examiners. Besides it will be the best kind of civil-service reform.”1
The system might be applied also to the training of picked young men for the consular, diplomatic, and other branches of the public service which require special knowledge. European governments foster their civil and diplomatic services by systematic training in connection with government offices and schools of administration. The practice is already beginning to evolve in connection with the State Department and the training of consular clerks. It might easily be extended in 'connection with other departments and the various scientific bureaus.
The Government commission for the civil-service academy or Government college should not be appointed in the interest of party, but of scientific politics and good administration. It should be as trustworthy, as the three commissioners for the gov. ernment of the District of Columbia, and it should work in perfect harmony with the administrative offices of the Government.
The necessary elements for the beginning of a civil academy are, for the most part, already existing in the city of Washington, and only need to be properly co-ordinated. The practical appliances for a unique American experiment in the promotion of po. litical education of the highest sort for the sons of American citizens are already at hand in the Government offices and various scientific bureans. Foundations for the institutional or scholastio side of the proposed civil academy also exist in Washington. It is, perhaps, not generally known that the federal city already contains one of the very best systems of publio education in these United States. The high school of Washington is already a virtual seminary of history and political science. These subjects form a special department of instruction, employing one teacher and three assistants. The entire faculty is so thoroughly specialized in the teaching of natural science, mathematics, languages, &c., that in almost any other city, save Washington, this high school would be called a college. The institution, like the ontire school system of the federal city, has been under the sovereign control of Congress, and is largely supported by Government appropriations. It is high time that this excellent system of public education should be carried one step higher, for Washington is not as other cities. The existing high school should be developed into a free Government college, supported by Congress, governed by the proposed commission, and supplying Buch further scholastic training in the arts and sciences as members of the existing civil service or future appointees to the civil academy might require. Upon these scholastic or purely academic foundations should be superimposed a system of lectures by Government experts and university specialists, as already described.
Suggestive inforination respecting European methods of promoting political education for Governmental purposes may be found in the report of the Paris Exposition of 1878. That portion of the commissioners' report relating to the subject of political education was written by Hon. Andrew D. White, and contains a most instructive résumé of what has been done in this regard in every great modern state. A part of this report was given as a public address on “Education in political science," by President White
before the Johns Hopkins University, on its third anniversary, February 22, 1879. The address was published in pamphlet form in Baltimore, but the original detailed report is more serviceable for the purpose here suggested.
1" The Civil-Service Commission and the Heads of Bareaus.” Baltimore American, January 16, 1887.
The consnlar-clerk system was inaugurated by act of Congress approved June 20, 1864 (see 15 Statntes at Large, pago 139; Revised Statutes, sections 1704 and 1705). Consular clerks, not exceeding thirteen in number at any one time, are appointed by the President. They are assigned to such consulates as the President shall direct. At present they are assigned to the consulates at Havana, Paris, Rome, Kanagawa, Bordeaux, Turin, Liverpool, Berlin, London, Cairo, Chemnitz, and Honolulu. Be. fore appointment it must be satisfactorily shown to the Secretary of State, after examination and report by an examining board, tbat the applicant 18 qualified for the duties to which he may be a ssigned. A consular clerk cannot be removed, except by cause stated in writing, which must be sub. mitted to Congress at the session first following such removal. Consular clerks hold office during good behavior They usually receive instruction at the Department of State before going to their posts. The idea underlying this system is that of training young men for consular positions of the higher grade. One consular clerk, not uow in the service, wes promoted to a consulship; many of them have been made vice-consale, and some of the present incumbento fu the vice-consular office in additiun to the consular clerkship.
Another interesting and valuable report is that on the "Training by universities of the public servants of the state," published in the proceedings of the Educational Conference held in London in 1884. The École Libre des Sciences Politiques, to which reference is made in this report, is a model civil academy, devoted to the preparation of young men for the service of the French Republic. Instruction in the art of administration, in finance, diplomacy, pablio law, and history is given by government officials, senators, retired ministers, professors, and men of the highest repute as practical economists and politicians. So excellent is the work of this French school that the University of Virginia and the School of Political Science, Columbia College, have sent thither graduate students for the study of administration and political science, Two graduates from the Johns Hopkins University are proposing to spend the coming year in the same civil academy. If this country fails to provide the proper means for teaching what is most needed in America our young Americans will find means abroad, and, when they retnrp, they will be likely to iustitute suggestive compari
. sons for the information of their countrymen. There is crying need of schools of administration in this country. Dorman B. Eaton, the recent bead of the Civil-Service Commission, said to the graduate students in Baltimore that he did not know of a single place in the whole country where men could study what the country wants to know about methods of administration. The case is not quite so grievous as that, fer a beginning has already been made in this kind of work in Columbia College, in the University of Pennsylvania, in Baltimore, and perhaps elsewhere.
A third source of light and information is Dr. Engel's descriptive pamphlet on the Seminary of the Prussian Statistical Bureau, published in German, Berlin, 1864. This institution is a training school for university graduates of the highest ability in the art of administration, and in the conduct of statistical and other economic in. quiries that are of interest and importance to the government. The practical work is done in connection with government offices, among which advanced students are distributed with specific tasks. Systematio instruction is given by lectures, and by the seminary or laboratory method, ander a general director. Government officials and university professors are engaged to give regular courses to these advanced students. It is considered one of the greatest student honors in Berlin for a university graduate to be admitted to the Statistical Seminary. It is easier for foreigners to secure this privilege than for Germans. One graduate of the Johns Hopkins University (a doctor of philosophy) has enjoyed instruction in that Prussian laboratory of political science. If one would see what good work comes forth from that Berlin civil academy he should examine the catalogue of the periodicals and other publications which have been issued by the Statistical Burean and commission his Berlin bookseller to send him a few specimen monographs. Through this bureau the University of Berlin and the Prussian administration are brought into closest rapport. The work of taking the census of Prussian population and resources is intrusted to educated men, trained to scientific accuracy by long discipline and practical experience. The work of the Prussian census in 1875 was so well arranged that all the results were delivered at noon on the day promised, and the entire cost was kept within the origo inal estimate.
CENTENARY OF THE INAUGURATION OF THE CONSTITUTION, 1889. In December, 1886, there met in the city of Philadelphia delegates from the various States and Territories to devise plans for the celebration, September 17, 1887, of the centenary of the signing of our present national Constitution. Among the measures proposed and agreed upon by the conference was “the creation of a suitable memorial in the city of Philadelphia commemorative of the signing and adoption of the Constitution.:13
On January 10, 1887, a select committee of the Senate reported the following resom lutions, which were considered by unanimous consent, and agreed to:
"Resolved, That it is expedient that order be taken by Congress for the due celebration at the city of Washington, on or about the 30th of April, 1889, of the centennial of the inauguration of the Constitution of the United States.
"Resolved further, That the Select Committee on the Centennial of the Constita.
Undoubtedly the idea of a permanent memorial of the Constitution in the city of
It will be remembered by overy student of American constitutional history that, when the original convention of State delegates met in the city of Philadelphia in 1707, various plans were suggested for the reformation of that defective system of government under which the United States had suffered since the first institution of the Articles of Confederation in 1777. Among the plans was one suggested by Governor Randolphi, representing the Virginia delegation of seven men. He proposed, in a series of resolutions, the great idea “ that a national government ought to be estabJished, consistiog of a supreme legislative, executive, and judiciary.". The Virginia proposition, in the process of debate, evolved into the present Constitution of the United States. Randolph's resolutions were known as the “Virginia plan.”
There could hardly be a more appropriate mode of creating i perpetual memorial of our Federal Constitution than by nationalizing at Washington, and everywhere promoting throughout the individual States that system of education in good citizenship which made the Virginia plan a possibility, which trained up such public men as George Washington, Edmund Randolph, John Blair, George Mason, Professor George Wythe, Professor James McClurg, and James Madison, the seven members of the Virginia delegation, of whom at least six were in some way, as alumnus, professor, or overseer, connected with the old College of William and Mary, that school of Jefferson and of American statesmen. A permanent memorial of our Federal Constitution should revive and perpetuate the higher education in history and politics, which was well represented by the Fathers of the Republic, notably by James Madison' and George Washington in their historical study of federal government, from the time of the Grecian Leagues down to the Swiss Cantons, tho United Netherlands, and the old Gerwau Confederation. Equally remarkable evidence of the fact that our Constitution was founded and maintained by the aid of political science and of historical politics is seen in the Federalist and in John Adams's Defence of the Constitution. If we would commemorate the patriotic work of the framers of our Constitution, we should promote in every possible way throughout this country, and at the nation's capital, that political wisdom upon which the Union was established.
Institutions of learning are, after all, nobler monuments to great men and great events than are obelisks or statues of marble. The national endowment or permanent support of the higher political education "within the limits of the District of Columbia, under the auspices of the General Government,” would realize the highest ideal of the Father of his Country. This ideal was Washington's last will and testament to the American people.
Madison's Noteson Ancient and Modern Confederacies, preparatory to the Federal Convention of 1787 (see his Writings, i, 293-315), atford very conclusive evidence as to the historical and political studies which were cultivated by the authors of the "Virginia plan." Washington copied out Madison's Notes in the most paiustaking manner for his own practical guidance (see the Writings of Washington, edited by Jared Sparks, vol. Ix, pp. 521-528). Mr. Sparks gays in a foot pote : "I can give no other account of the manuscript than that it exists among
his papers. It could bardly have been drawn up originally by him, as several works are cited which were written in languages that he did not understand." Comparison whows that the original work was Madison's. James Madison was a graduate of Prince ton, but he became one of the visitors of William and Mar
UNIVERSITY EXTENSION IN ENGLAND.
BY HERBERT B. ADAMS,
There is a remarkable movement in England towards the higher education of the people. Education, like government, is broadening its foundations. Common schools have long been recognized as pillars of free government; but the extension of higber education by the upper classes to the masses is a striking phenomenon in aristocratic England. It is like the extension of the franchise. The old-time exclusiveness of English universities is breaking down. From classic shades, from quadrangles shut in by ivy-mantled walls, vigorous young Englishmen have sallied forth to meet the world, manfully recognizing its need of higher education, and carrying the banners of science into the great towns and into the manufacturing and mining districts of England. This novel movement is called university extension. It has been in prog. ress for more than ten years, and there is now no question as to its popularity or suc
The university at Cambridge has supplied lecturers for six hundred extension courses, which have reached sixty thousand hearers, more than one-half of whom have shown themselves earnest students by attending class exercises in addition to the lectures. Not only Cambridge, but the University of Oxford, Owen's College, and the local colleges at Liverpool, Leeds, Birmingham, Bristol, Sheffield, Nottingham, Cardiff
, and Bangor are all engaged in this democratio educational mission. The idea is taking bold of conservative Scotland, and it has already been put in practice by the aniversities of Australia. Sooner or later we ahall see the movement sweeping America.
To a practical mind the most interesting feature of this university extension is its economic cbaracter. It is not altogether a missionary undertaking or an educational «crusade. It has its business side. It is primarily a case of demand and supply. Representatives of labor and capital in England have awakened to the fact that universities are in the possession of a useful commodity called higher education. Men begin to realize that a good knowledge of English history, political economy, social science, literature, and the arts makes for the general improvement of society and the development of a better state of feeling among its members. The demand is not for common schools. These exist already. The cry is “Higher education!” for adult voters and persons past the school age too busily engaged, perhaps, in other pursuits to permit of much continuous study, and yet able to give some of their time to in. tellectual improvement. Grasping the situation and its possibilities, public-spirited individuals have formed educational societies or associations in towns and parislies. They have affiliated with existing local institutions of an educational or social character, such as local colleges, institutes, literary and philosophical societies, church institutes, mechanics' institutes, night schools, &c. Tbey have appointed active secretaries, with subcommittees, representing the ladies, young people (to sell tickets), teachers, artisans. Without sectarian or political entanglements, they have united the best forces of the community, with the mayor or some public man at the head. They have taken subscription shares of $5-some persons taking several shares, others clubbing together for one sbare, but all having representation in the society. Upou such a sound economic basis these educational associations have made their demands upon the universities for local instruction by lectures in systematic courses, costing from three to five shillings for a course-ticket
The universities meet this demand by a supply of well-trained, enthnsiastic young lecturers, wbo, for a reasonable compensation, are willing to give publio courses in the towns and districts of England. Lord Bacon long ago said, " Learning for man's self is in many branches thereof a depraved thing.' T'he university men of Cambridge in their turn said, "Culture must not be permitted to be selfish." The new political economy, which has struck deep root in the English universities, asserts the same of all capital and of all labor. Individualism the world needs, but selfishness is odious. The Cambridge men go out from their comfortable.cloisters to lecture to the people for a variety of individual considerations-good-will, ambition for distinc, tion, public spirit, scientific propaganda, and a fee of $225 for a weekly course of twelve lectures. They agree also to conduct a class each week for review or disens sion of the previous lecture, and to correct voluntary exercises written at the stadent's own home upon set' questions, requiring private reading. This involves
laborious, painstaking work on the part of both instructor and student. The university appoints an examiner upon the term's work as marked out in the lecturer's printed syllabus of topics, which, hy reason of its careful analysis, saves much labor in note-taking. The examination fee is $10. Two sorts of certificates are given-
pass" and " with distinction." There is no fnrther gradation of rank, unless the local authorities offer prizes.
A terin's work of twelve lectures and twelve class exercises is the unit of the univergity-extension system. It costs altogether abont $325, including the lecturer's fee, advertising, and other incidentals. Enterprising towns quickly multiply their courses until they have a regular curriculum extending through three years in varions groups, such as (1) literature and history ;(2) natural science; (3) the fine arts. The courses in English history and political economy are very attractive. Persons who follow a three years' course in one of the above groups, embracing six courses of twelve weeks, and two courses in one other group besides the chosen specialty, are allowed to be enrolled as "students affiliated to the university,” provided they will pass an examination in the elements of the higher mathematics, in Latin, and in one other foreign language. Such persons may count their three years of university-extension study as the equivalent of one year's residence at the university, and may complete there the course for the bachelor's degree in two years. Thus, without lowering academic standards, English universities are extending their privileges to the English people, This liberal policy has led to the establishment of student associations throughout England, and to the most hearty support of the higher education and of educational institutions by the workingmen. Tho English universities are doing more than any other one force in England towards breaking down the antagonism between the rich and the poor. Arnold Toynbee, a martyr to his cause, and other Oxford graduates have carried this new gospel into the heart of East London, where Toynbee Hall, with its locture-courses, class-rooms, and industrial training, was the forerunner of the People's Palace, recently opened by the Queen of England. A society for the extension of university training has been formed in London, and is associated with the universities of London, Oxford, and Cambridge. Besides Toynbee Hall, at Whitechapel, East London, it has thirty or more local centres of educational operations in and about London. Each centre has its own secretary, organization, and economy. If the local subscriptions and local sale of tickets are not adequate to meet expenses the central society aids largely in meeting the deficit.
University extension in England will continue its noble work with increasing energy and success. Its advantages are too great to be abandoned. First, it is rovolutionizing popular lectures. Instead of the old system of lyceum courses, which was nothing but a cheap variety-show for an evening's entertainment, there is now continuity of interest and specialization upon a particular subject until the audience really knows something about it. Second, university extension brings the higher education into provincial towns without the necessity of endowing colleges or multiplying universities. For a few hundred dollars each year every town and district union in England can have the university system at its very doors. Third, this sys. tem strengthens all local appliances for education, whether schools, colleges, insti. totes, libraries, museums, art galleries, or literary societies. It combines with everything and interferes with nothing.