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This was not the end. The dismissed secre- ad libitum, but they can find no way of acting tary wished to have it appear that he had not adversely to Mr. Arthur, so far as he represents been dismissed at all, that he had voluntarily the opposition to civil service reform, except by resigned his office, that his resignation had voting against Mr. Garfield. They must, conbeen regretfully accepted, and that he had been sequently, vote with the “machine." honorably appointed to another position where No one loves the "machine," or sees anything he, as a man of high personal worth, was fitly to admire in it, except those who live, or hope to represent a great nation at an imperial court. to live, by it. Yet our country is growing so To make it appear so, it was necessary that the large, and there are so many “offices to go public records should be falsified, and that the around,” that by one device or another the President of the United States should be a party | “machine” is always triumphant. From the to this falsification. Colonel McClure says: highest federal office to the lowest State office “In my presence the proposition was made and political preferment is obtained, not by the disdetermined upon to ask Lincoln to allow a let- play of marked or suitable qualities for doing ter of resignation to be ante-dated, and to write the work of office as it should be done, but only a kind acceptance of the same in reply. * by capacity for managing primaries and conThe record shows that Mr. Cameron voluntarily ventions according to the modes of the "maresigned, while, in point of fact, he was sum- chine." This is the ability which most certainmarily removed without notice.”
ly makes a successful politician in free America It may be said that a strong-minded Presi- to-day. Straightforward, honest directness of dent can resist the wrong influence of his party. purpose, with which the dreamers fondly charWell, General Grant, was such a man; yet he acterize the ideal republican politician of an did not. We all know, without stating them, Anglo-Saxon republic, has given place, with us, the harsh charges that were made from time to to an Asiatic suppleness and skill in intrigue altime, with more or less justice, respecting the most unexampled in political history. evil influence of the party managers over him; That stronghold of individual liberty, the juand his most ardent admirer cannot deny that diciary itself, has time and again been invaded some, at least, of those charges were probably and overcome by the spirit of partisan rulewell founded. The least grave of them was a power greater and more despotic than was sufficient to cast a deeply to be regretted stain ever wielded by any Stuart of them all. In the on the political, nay, personal, character of a Supreme Court of the United States it compellchief magistrate. President Hayes unqualified- ed a partisan and unrighteous division of opinly expressed his intention to carry out some ion in the Dred Scott case. In the same court, measure of civil service reform, and, undoubt- two judges were appointed for the express puredly, honestly made his best effort to do so; pose (according to common belief) of reversing but how lamentably he has failed. Mr. Gar- a previous fully considered and solemnly made field was nominated at the last Republican decision of that court on the constitutionality Convention for the Presidency. He is, beyond of the legal tender act. The decision was requestion, a man of high integrity and ability. versed, and the London Times declared, in Two men were proposed in the convention for effect, that no high court of judicature in any nomination for the Vice Presidency, Mr. Wash Anglo-Saxon country had ever before so disburne and Mr. Arthur. It cannot be denied that graced itself. In the Electoral Commission, the Mr. Arthur's career in office, so far as could be judges of the same court, selected with a confiseen, has been that of a “machine" politician. dent belief of all parties that some, at least, of A delegate arose in the convention and made them, by virtue of their high office, were far an earnest appeal against his nomination, and above partisanship, divided in opinion as they in favor of Mr. Washburne's. He said, in sub- were respectively named Democrat or Repubstance: "The Republican party is pledged by lican. its platform to civil service reform. Do not No great war has arisen in which the Govstultify yourselves. The people will think over ernment has not found within the country a your action quietly at their firesides.” But to powerful organization, thwarting its steps in no use. Mr. Arthur was nominated, and Mr. many important particulars; undermining its Garfield's hands are tied. For Mr. Arthur re- great reserve force of patriotic, moral support, presents the "machine," and Mr. Garfield can- by incitement to fanatical distrust. And alnot be elected without the aid of the “machine” though some men in every country may be —at least, the "machine” makes it appear he found lukewarm toward the support of the govcannot be. He must bow to it if he shall be ernment of their country in such an emergency, elected. And the Republican people who want they are insignificant in power and number civil service reform may think at their firesides compared with the multitude (otherwise fair
VOL. II.- 10.
men) in the United States, who so act through ship, to crush out minor differences of opinion, force of the custom of always acting with but and to divide the country unnecessarily into one party and knowing no bond of policy which merely two political organizations. The irrecan possibly unite them with any members of sponsibility of the majority is so marked, and the other. It has been reserved for America to its power of rewarding its supporters so great, produce "Blue Lights" and "Copperheads." that it may maintain a powerfully cohesive or
Let us now glance for a moment at our sys- ganization, notwithstanding almost any errors tem of legislative representation, and see how and vices, except such as immediately, and the rule of the majority, as we have adopted it, plainly to the narrowest capacity, threaten serieffectually tends to smother the real will of the ous injury to the government. Practically, each people. ' I quote Mr. Dutcher:*
party has nothing to fear when in power so long
as it satisfies the cravings of its orthodox fol“A is the Democratic candidate and B the Republi
lowers, and avoids any greater excesses than its can before a constituency of, say, 23,000 votes. For A 12,000 vctes are cast; for B, 11,000.
A is said to repre
predecessor - which moderate requirement aldistrict, when, in truth, he represents only
lows it a great limit of bad conduct, as we all 12,000, and the 11,000 are not represented at all. They know. The comparatively small number of are said to be so; but let interests clash, or opinions dif- "independents," who make majorities by votfer, and he becomes their foe--their active opponent. ing with one party or the other, do so, in the Purely as a minority the minority receives no represent
main, without hope of obtaining office (for they ation at all. Where there are many districts, and, con
know they are detested by both parties), and, sequently, many minorities, the aggregate of unrepresented votes becomes an astounding anomaly in a re
being accustomed, for many decades past, to presentative government."
find "one party as bad as another,” they grow
weary of making changes, except upon very Mr. Dutcher supplies the following actual great provocation. Thus a majority, in the face "computation, by which it has been found that
of errors and excesses that would cause revofifty-eight per cent. of the entire vote cast se
lution in many other countries, can afford for a cures all the representatives voted for, and for
long time to ask Bill Tweed's question, "What ty-two per cent. fails to elect a single member:
are you going to do about it?" It is inevitable In the Fortieth Congress there were 2,335,617
that such a system of representation, dividing, Republican and Democratic voters represented, as it does, so large a country as ours into merely out of a total vote of 4,005,573; thus there were
two parties, should lead to the partisan nomi1,669,956 Republican and Democratic voters
nating conventions; that these bodies necessiunrepresented; proportion, 58 to 42.
tate a rigid and exclusive system of party orIn the Forty-first Congress there were 3,524,- ganizations, the keeping alive of partisan strife, 335 represented, out of a total vote of 6,076,413; and indifference to growth and progress in the thus there were 2,552,078 unrepresented; and minor affairs of government; and that this is the result has been the same proportion practi- the hot-bed of all the glaring evils and disgraces cally ever since.
of American public life. Now, if we could deduct from those supposed The corruption and incapacity of our pubto be actually represented the number of per- lic servants have been the subject of constant sons who find themselves differing from their complaint with large part of the American representative on important points of public people for the last eighty years. Even in De policy, and who would never have voted for him Tocqueville's day it was loud and deep enough at all had a chance to choose a better man, that to attract his attention as an important probis, a truer representative of their opinions, been lem for the future of the country. After stating allowed them, we should have a wonderful dis- the problem, he supposed he had solved it in play of how nearly like the composition of a this way (I change the order of his sentences, mob representative government may be.
for the purpose
condensation): Delegates to nominating conventions are elected on the same false principle as our leg
"The mal-administration of a democratic magistrate is
a mere isolated fact, which only occurs during the short islative representatives, and thus minority opin
period for which he is elected. * * Corruption and ions within the party fail to have their due incapacity do not act as common interests, which may weight in its deliberations.
* and it is It is very plain to me that a constant major- impossible that they"ity in the representative assemblies, so largely disproportionate to the actual majority of vot- (corrupt and incapable officers, holding offices ers which elected it, tends to foster partisan
connect men permanently together,
for only short terms) * Minority or Proportional Representation. By Salem
-"should ever give a dangerous or exclusive tendency Dutcher. New York: U. S. Publishing Company. 1872.
to the government."
Whether or not he was right in sketching cor- wealth, and financial enterprises of all sorts, ruption and incapacity in this harmless light will keep them corrupt, unless we make a great may be answered by each man for himself, and change)—if the rising generation of Americans will be answered mainly according as he hopes are accustomed to hear such charges daily, to to obtain office through the “machine.” For find one party but little better than another, to my part, I see, in common with thousands of
see men in high place known to be corrupt, and persons in the country, literate and illiterate, to have achieved their position despite their high and low, that corruption and incapacity characters—will that generation not also deem under our present system are forming a most “smartness” far more essential than integrity or permanent bond of union among the vast ma- capability in public affairs, and will the common jority of politicians. They may not transmit school education save them from so thinking? their power, in all cases, directly to their flesh It has not saved their political fathers. This and blood children, as corrupt and incompetent reasoning will also apply to the great evil of aristocracies would, for such children may not excessive and continually changing legislation, be in the true line of descent. But there is a which, even in De Tocqueville's day, led him line of descent as clearly marked and certain. to make the following prediction : The power goes, by our system, to the next generation of corruptibles and incapables.
"It may be apprehended that men perpetually thwartMany well meaning persons habitually an
ed in their designs by the mutability of legislation will
learn to look upon republican institutions as an inconswer the foregoing, “Pessimist and croaker, the
venient form of society; the evil resulting from the insystem is good enough. The fault lies in the stability of the secondary enactments might then raise large number of ignorant persons at present ex- a doubt as to the nature of the fundamental principles ercising the right of suffrage. But the common of the constitution, and indirectly bring about a revoluschools may be expected to educate the chil- But this epoch is still very remote." dren of such persons into good citizens, which will purify our. politics in their day." This At the time this was written there had been but apotheosis of common school education is very
one revision of the original State constitutions. effective, especially with persons who possess
If De Tocqueville had lived to see the numeronly such an education, and are but slightly ad
ous experiments in legislation since made, notdicted to original thought. The general spread withstanding a half century of the common of primary education has done great things, and
school system; to hear the tone of easy concan do much for America. But there are things tempt for almost all politicians and political it cannot do. It did not prevent China from efforts adopted by the rising generation; to see standing still for centuries, because, although it labor riots all over the country, and the steady has been almost universal there during that growth of a class of intelligent persons in the time, it was not in the right direction morally. large cities abstaining from voting—he would It leaned too much toward satisfaction with it.
not have looked for some revolution at a remote self and its sufficiency for the purpose of car
epoch. Above all things he would have said: rying on the government. The government
The spread of common school education has obtained extraordinary: permanency because of not checked excessive legislation hitherto; how its aid; but custom, thus so powerfully estab
can it be expected to limit it in the next genera
tion? lished in so important a factor in the national life, bound the national mind in shackles which
Sir James Fitzjames Stephen, whom everyinflexibly retracted its moral and intellectual body must admit to be a clear and cautious growth. If the general spread of the minor thinker, cannot see much to be hoped for in branches of knowledge, at all times and under
the future, with respect to true liberty, from the all circumstances, insures national progress,
indefinite increase on the American Continent why is not China the foremost nation of the
of numbers of essentially small-minded but globe to-day? It is a fact, which nobody can
thoroughly self-satisfied persons, and continudispute, that for the last ten years, at least, ally suggests to us that, notwithstanding the there has hardly been a Legislature in any
best the common schools may do, State in the United States against which charges -"the number of people able to carry on anything like of bribery have not been openly made. Yet our a systematic train of thought, or to grasp the bearings legislators had the benefit of the general spread of any subject consisting of several parts, will always of education ; few of them were absolutely il necessarily be exceedingly small in every country, comliterate. Politics were corrupt, and the men
pared to the whole population. * * * The incalculable
majority of men form opinions without the consciousdid not need to be better than it was the cus
ness that they have reached them by intellectual protom to be. If politics remain corrupt (and the
cesses correctly performed, but are attached to them becertain growth of large corporations, private cause they suit their tempers and meet their wishes, and not solely and in so far as they believe themselves war- rampant, that the American Congress will become a jarranted by evidence in believing them true; whereas ring and discordant mob, and it will be impossible to the work of governing a great nation"
reconcile its elements, and prevent the flames of civil
war from bursting forth, perhaps in several sections at (and in the United States of the future we the same time, with the eventual result of the division of must necessarily have one of the most complex the national territory into several different nations." governments that ever existed)
That I am right in asserting the imminence —"requires an immense amount of special knowledge of a change, or changes, in American governand the steady, restrained, and calm exertion of a great ment, many things in our public sentiments and variety of the very best talents which are to be found conduct abundantly prove. All revolutions proin it."
ceed from a desire to put better men in office; A very large number of persons who possess
and thus they are rightfully thought a part of these talents, and are willing to devote them to
the upward tendency of humanity. It would their country's service, are now excluded from
take a volume to enumerate all the signs of any possibility of doing so; and the tendency change. It suffices to ask, why do so many with the immense majority of half-educated thinking men among us complain from day to people is, and always will be, either to doubt day of the exclusion from political life of the the existence of any such persons, or to deny best men among us, and point to the present the possibility of any better knowledge than
constitution of parties as the cause? Books their own on political matters-on the principle have multiplied on the subject. “How can we by which they maintain their religious views. get the best work of our best men in our pubThus thousands of talented men, who in a
lic offices?" is the cry of one class. And from smaller state would materially aid the govern
the other extreme, in the midst of actual and ment, in so great a nation (though still more
threatened riot, we hear the baffled howl, “Demessential) may be buried alive, and their influ
ocratic thieves and Republican robbers.” If ence weakened by the half educated masses.
we had no other analogy, this is singularly like Finally, Mr. Ezra Seaman (to my mind a very
the phenomena which preceded the French accurate and observing man), in speaking of Revolution. The thinkers and the proletariat the destiny of the United States as its waste
alike decry the present state of things, and long places fill up, points out that
for something better. There is nothing to fear,
however, from the analogy. I, for one, see - "the success of the Territories has been owing to the other signs in the times than this. I do not great natural wealth and resources of the country, the for a moment doubt the substantial and proud virtues of the public land system, the munificent dona- perpetuation of American democracy. These tions of Congress, rather than to any great wisdom in things, nevertheless, show the fears of thoughttheir Territorial legislation. The shocking election frauds and abuses, and the barbarous legislation, in Kansas,
ful men, and the impulses of men who suffer. involved the Territory in civil war, and showed that the
A state of society in which the best men rise heterogeneous mass of people that settle new Territories to the top is the aim of both cries -of every are poorly qualified either to make good laws or main- movement that ever amounted to anything in tain order and peace—which is quite a different thing." political conduct. That this has been the steady
aim of the American people for the past eighty He deprecates the absurd confidence felt in the permanency of our Government under the years, their complaints, as I have before stated,
distinctly prove. And that they did not earlier present mode of conducting it, and points out
bend all their energies to its attainment is due, that
so far as I can discern the philosophy of his-"we must reform our system of elections and repre-tory, to the fact that in that period they have sentation, and thereby make our Government a govern- have had other overshadowing work to perform, ment of the whole people, instead of a government of and by no means to apathy. It is a reason the leaders of the dominant party; we must revive a
well in keeping with the practical turn of Anglospirit of patriotism and respect for the workings of our
Saxon communities for self-government. It is Government, and arrest the downward course of corruption and prodigality. That we shall continue to in- taking one thing at a time, and selecting the crease in numbers and industry, commerce and wealth, most important thing for the present time-a for a half century or more to come is certain, but unless markedly Anglo-Saxon trait, giving promise these reforms are effected in our Government, our na- of stability-as distinguished from undertaking tional interests will become so numerous and incongru- to bring about the millennium at once, which ous, our population so heterogeneous; the national
we rather unkindly call Mexicanization-giving character and sentiments, religious views and aspirations of the people of different sections so discordant, promise of instability. The great work of the the bonds of union so weak; corruption and profligacy first century of national existence is nobly acso rank and bold, and sectional and class ambition so I complished. Already the glaring signs which differentiated Republican and Democrat are of Europe, have enjoyed in their own countries fading to kindlier and more delicate tones. We practically universal suffrage. Clearly this will may, and perhaps should, always retain the re- not be the change. ally fundamental opinions which make us either, I think the ultimate remedy will be found in and be ready to assert them when the occasion a reform in the electoral system based on the arises. But there is now no distinctively great representation of minorities in all assembliesnational problem to be solved by their aid. A not disturbing the rule of the majority, but puminority of each party, not noticeable for ac- rifying it by recognizing the right of the all imtivity in politics, has compelled the respectful portant shades of political opinion to repreattention of both parties toward a reform in the sentation in direct and true proportion to the civil service. The demand may be trifled with numbers entertaining them. Already in the for a while, but it will ultimately be complied election of the New York Court of Appeals the with if we are faithful to it. It will have at cumulative vote has been tried with excellent least one result: it will teach us that there are results. Various other trials of systems of proother practical problems in government, upon portional representation have been made elsewhich good men can unite to their country's ad- where, in this country and in Europe, and the vantage, without regard to differences on meta- subject has forced itself on Congress more than physical theories respecting the nature of our once. The poorer classes in the State of Califederal compact. Let us not even for the mo- fornia, more largely interested in joint-stock ment deceive ourselves regarding the value of corporations than the same classes elsewhere, this reform in the civil service. Even the best lately adopted such a system for the election of scheme which can be carried will by no means boards of trustees in such bodies. There are cure all the evils we see. The examining or sincere and intelligent friends of freedom, jealappointing board may yet be open to the in- ous of any danger to American democracy, who trigues of politicians, and the composition of recognize the adoption of a true principle of legislative bodies will not be affected by it at represention as its hope and certain result. I all, for it must necessarily leave out of sight have mentioned some of them. I should not the qualifications of all but the inferior officers omit to name one of the earliest and most conof government.
sistent, Senator Buckalew, of Pennsylvania.* Must we, then, limit the right of suffrage, or If this article shall succeed in interesting but the number of offices to be filled by popular one inquiring mind in the future of representaelection, in order to save the Government, as tive government, its defects will have been some are inclined to think? I am sure not. atoned for. Reforms in the civil service, in the This is not the tendency of progress in govern- system of Presidential elections, and in the ment. Despite the provocation to such a meas- composition of legislative assemblies, are sureure which the gross judicial corruption in the ly probable changes in our Government near at State of New York during the Tweed régime hand. Let us be ready so to guide them that gave to the intelligent agricultural classes of we may fitly supplement the great work left that State-always noticeably at variance in ready for us. Clinging to the Constitution as politics with the working classes of the large the core of American patriotism, I do not doubt cities-a constitutional amendment giving the we shall — to borrow again the noble words I nomination of judges to the executive, as in the have elsewhere quoted — forward its design: old days of the State, was voted down by a “laws made for the sake of liberty, not liberty large majority of the farmers. And our immi- merely to make laws." grants nowadays, from all the western countries
JOHN A. WRIGHT.
FUTURE GARDENS OF CALIFORNIA.
The month of August brings a period of en- | the whole field, and attempt in some degree to forced rest to the gardens of California; for the realize how much or how little of a success our earliest luxuriance of bloom has departed, and garden has been. In these sultry summer days, thoughtful gardeners have cut back the roses we are apt to be moved with a sense of the and other shrubs, so as to insure a later blossom
* Proportional Representation. By Charles R. Buckale ing time. Fitly, therefore, we may now consider Philadelphia : John Campbell & Sons. 1872.