to do with the unfolding of moral sense among the unlettered children of the nation.

The readiness and cheerfulness with which their progress is rewarded by admitting them into participation in government, and the firmness with which that is refused, except when they show capacity and reliability, will have something to do with their evolution also.

Before anything else can be done the law must have its way. Security of life and property must be assured. In the beginning that is possible only through the army. And it may probably be said that the army has met its unexpected duty efficiently and with very considerable sense and discrimination.

But aside from the maintenance of order and security, the military power ought not to be much relied upon. It is pleasing to know that there are men in any American regiment who are equal to any moral service, but that agreeable fact must not blind us to the other fact that the experiences, traditions and mental attitudes of the army are such as to forbid its being the instrument, or of its being accepted as the instrument, of much constructive work.

Our own standards must begin to prevail. Law suited to the situation must be enforced. Crimes must be punished, and not only heinous crimes, but petty crimes and misdemeanors. It has long seemed to me that one of the prolific causes of the appalling negro question which is now upon this country appears in the fact that there has been no ready punishment for small crimes. In the Southern States the negro has been taken as a chattel and a joke. Little crimes seem to have been expected and to have gone unnoticed, or at least unpunished. This bred negro irresponsibility and developed a large crop of great crimes. A military tribunal which expresses and exercises force is not apprehensive about little offenses which are outside of and do not affect the military organization. Military authority in civil matters is understood to be but temporary. It must, as quickly as may be, give way to civil courts which will take cognizance of all offenses and have an eye on the long future. It does not seem desirable that military officers continue until native magistrates can be developed, if the process is to be slow. The American civil magistrate may well supplant the American military officer in our dependencies as soon as law can have its sway and order is secure. Then let the native civil magistrate be put in the place as soon as he is prepared for it. But let us profit by our Indian experience and beware of magistrates and courts who make a travesty of justice.

Whenever the flag of the Union is raised in any land it must speedily cast its shadow upon a school. It must be a school which is more than a form or a show. When a school comes to stand for the authority and character of the American people in a remote land, when it becomes the main reliance of all progress, it must be the living expression of the keenest moral energy and the hardest thinking which sprung out of the heart and mind of the Republic. It must be a practical and an adaptable school. It must not be too fast to undo any spiritual tendencies or any established forms of worship which it may find at its door. It must not undertake precipitately to change habits, dress, pastimes, or intellectual traits, so long as moral questions are not involved. It must not be organized upon a basis of expense common in the thrifty towns of the United States. It must know that the school and its constituency must be adjusted to each other if there is to be any enduring service, and that the school will have to do much of the adjusting to have it so. Above all, it must know that the only lasting training of any worth that one ever gets he gets through doing things; that one is never likely to be of much account who does not know the satisfaction of earning his bread in the sweat of his brow, and that any intellectual or moral advance which men and women ever make comes through the purpose and the power, not to break or to destroy, but to construct and to accomplish things.

What has been done in the way of opening schools has been well done. It was about the first thing the people thought of. It was an inspiration to see a capable superintendent and a thousand teachers start from the States upon the instant to carry the American system of common schools to unknown millions in far away lands. But it is almost impossible to make effective schools among an uninterested or antagonistic people. How primitive and inchoate these schools must be! They must be thoroughly adapted. They must be related together in a cohesive system. They must endure after the novelty has worn off. The people must be brought to accept them and support them, and then have pride in them. As quickly and as generally as may be, they must be taught by native teachers.

It is said that a hundred Filipino boys are distributed among our American universities mostly among the state universities where there are colleges of agriculture and mechanic arts. It is said that they are bright and I have it from the university authorities that they do well. Doubtless the brightest boys are sent. They ought

to be. This is copying Japan. Japan has a general and effective system of elementary schools, with a very good system of advanced schools. We can not have one without the other. Japan secured both by inducing the most experienced American educationists to go to Japan and plan a school system, and by sending the most promising Japanese boys to American and European universities. If these Filipino boys do as well as the Japanese boys did, we will in thirty years have an educational system which has really taken hold of things in the Philippine Islands.

I have a good deal of confidence that it would be well to put the management of educational matters in charge of the United States Bureau of Education. That bureau always has a good man at its head. It has a staff of trained educational experts. It knows all about educational activities in all parts of the world. It has nothing to do with politics. It has none too much business. The United States has no control over education in the States. There is some satisfaction about that. It is nice to have the United States say "please" to us, when we find our poor hands in the mouth of the federal lion so often. But the United States must look after schools in the territories and the dependencies. The Bureau of Education is its natural instrument. I am skeptical about leaving educational administration wholly to insular commissions. The time may come when there will be a motive for political meddling with the appointment and the salaries of teachers. We have a long, delicate, heavy task before us if we are to make a comprehensive and an enduring school system in our island possessions which is ever to be capable of getting up power enough to run under its own steam. The best administrative organization, adaptable courses of instruction pedagogically arranged, continuity and steadiness of operation, the fullest training and supervision of teachers, freedom from partizanship, and an earlier and closer intimacy with the educational work of the world will be assured if the management of it is imposed upon the United States Bureau of Education.

The enlightenment of a people can not be wholly left to government. There are many things desirable in education which the state can not do. A good public school must be embellished and enriched by the things which an interested constituency will do for it. Private schools should always be the welcome associates of public schools. Wherever there is a school there must be a church. And no matter how many schools or churches are established they must be accompanied by voluntary evangelistic work.

In a word, religion is education. Churches and ministers have quite as much to do with the development of the Philippine Islands as have schools and teachers.

This brings us to a subject of prime importance which is so involved as to make the wisest hesitate. Yet it seems to me that it claims the attention of the conference. It can not be ignored because it is difficult. With much interest in it, I have no right to have any very confident opinion about it.

The facts seem to be that for centuries so much of the islands as was Christian was Roman Catholic. No other Christian denomination was there. This church was there in great strength and efficiency. Its system and ceremonies were suited to the people. Millions adhered to it. It was mixed up with an unworthy movement. The mixing of church control with a good government is bad; with a bad government it is vicious and unthinkable. History repeated itself. The priesthood became widely corrupted. Imposition and outrage followed. This was met by pretty nearly successful revolution. When we set up a government that could govern, our troops released hundreds of priests from prison. The situation attracted the attention of the world and aroused the resentment and reformatory action of the authorities of the Roman Catholic church. Clarified and reinvigorated, its religious reign is again very firmly established, not only in the towns but wherever in the wilderness its priests can go. Its mission work is aggressive and apparently much better than any other that is there. It quickly engages the devotion of a people to whom its solemn ceremonies, its beliefs, and its administrative methods are especially adapted.

We have happily invented a political system in this country which enables us to live together in reasonable peace notwithstanding our many religious denominations. Our fathers in the old countries, or even in this country in the pioneer days, would not and could not do so well. They were a simpler people with a simpler faith and did not need so many sects to accommodate their theological differences. But they stood ready to fight, and did fight, for what they thought. We have learned that it is not worth while and that others have the right to think and pray as they please. Can we expect more of our primitive peoples in other lands than it was possible for our own fathers to have done? Our Protestant denominations are assuming to contest the ground, but in comparison with the work of the Roman Catholic church their progress is not a delight to us. It seems to be the fact that the Protestant denominations have agreed upon some division of

territory so as to avoid conflicts with one another so far as may be, but there is no possibility of avoiding rivalry with the Church of Rome in any part of our insular territory. I can not help wondering if it is worth while. The people of the Philippine Islands will hardly need variety of sects to accommodate their theological thinking for a long time. If they ever need them they will know how to have them. Denominations will multiply in the natural order of things as fast as they are needed. There is special reason why any missionary work which assumes to express the American spirit and any churches which come to represent the attitude and strength of the Protestant churches in the Philippine Islands shall do it thoroughly and adequately. I have none but Puritan blood in my veins, but I no longer fear that any church will subvert American political institutions. I think that the Roman Catholic church will become more thoroughly adaptable to American political institutions by giving it American confidence. No one can doubt its spirituality or its patriotism. I am in favor of Protestantism wherever it can be self-sustaining, and am in favor of all denominations where the thinking of the people calls for them, but I do not fear to express my misgivings about the wisdom of the policy which forces sectarianism upon an unlettered people, which taxes weak churches in America to support weak churches in our island possessions, with no prospect of those churches becoming self-supporting, while one strong church is on the ground, continues to occupy it forcefully, and is evidently adapted to the situation.

But we are not to rely exclusively upon either schools or churches. They are quite as often the product as the producers of civilizations. What poor people want is more money and capacity to find the point of equipoise between keeping and using it. If the money does not develop the capacity, nothing ever will. Quite as much depends upon new forms of native industry, or better opportunities for expanding such as they now have in the islands, as upon any other one thing. We can not say too often that work is the tonic for physical, mental, and moral health. Work brings money as well as health. The love of money may be the root of all evil, but money itself is the cause of much good. It buys everything. It is clearly understood. It gives every live man a motive. Motives work wonders. Idle people will often bestir themselves if a motive is in sight. It is hard for unlettered and isolated people to put their labor into channels which will bring returns. They can not get their resources into goods and their goods into