16

SQUANTO.

[Book II. there, as Mr. Weston's men had ruined the market by giving "as much for a quart of corn, as we used to do for a beaver's skin." Therefore they returned again to Cape Cod, to Nauset, "where the sachem Aspinet used the governor very kindly, and where they bought 8 or 10 hogsheads of corn and beans: also at a place called Mattachiest, where they had like kind entertainment and corn also." While here, a violent storm drove on shore and so damaged their pinnace, that they could not get their corn on board the ship: so they made a stack of it, and secured it from the weather, by covering it with mats and sedge. Aspinet was desired to watch and keep wild animals from destroying it, until they could send for it; also, not to suffer their boat to be concerned with. All this he faithfully did, and the governor returned home by land, "receiving great kindness from the Indians by the way." At this time there was a great sickness among the Massachusetts Indians, "not unlike the plague, if not the same;" but no particulars of it are recorded.

Some time after, Standish went to bring the corn left at Nauset, and, as usual, gets himself into difficulty with the Indians. One of Aspinet's men happening to come to one of Standish's boats, which being left entirely without guard, he took out a few trinkets, such as "beads, scissors, and other trifles," which when the English captain found out, "he took certain of his company with him, and went to the sachem, telling him what had happened, and requiring the same again, or the party that stole them," "or else he would revenge it on them before his departure," and so departed for the night, "refusing whatsoever kindness they offered." However, the next morning, Aspinet, attended by many of his men, went to the English, "in a stately manner," and restored all the "trifles;" for the exposing of which the English deserved ten times as much reprehension as the man for taking them.

Squanto being the only person that escaped the great sickness at Patuxet, inquirers for an account of that calamity will very reasonably expect to find it in a history of his life. We therefore will relate all that is known of it, not elsewhere to be noticed in our progress. The extent of its ravages, as near as we can judge, was from Narraganset Bay to Kennebeck, or perhaps Penob scot, and was supposed to have commenced about 1617, and the length of its duration seems to have been between two and three years, as it was nearly abated in 1619. The Indians gave a frightful account of it, saying that they died so fast "that the living were not able to bury the dead." When the English arrived in the country, their bones were thick upon the ground in many places. This they looked upon as a great providence, inasmuch as it had destroyed "multitudes of the barbarous heathen to make way for the chosen people of God."

All wars and disasters, in those days, were thought to be preceded by some strange natural appearance, or, as appeared to them, unnatural appearance or phenomenon; hence the appearance of a comet, in 1618, was considered by some the precursor of this pestilence.*

We will give here, from a curious work, † in the language of the author, an interesting passage, relating to this melancholy period of the history of the people of Massasoit, in which he refers to Squanto. After relating the fate of a French ship's crew among the Wampanoags, as extracted in the life of Massasoit, in continuation of the account, he proceeds thus: "But contrary wise, [the Indians having said "they were so many that God could not kill them," when one of the Frenchmen rebuked them for their “wickedness," telling them God would destroy them,] in short time after, the hand of God fell heavily upon them, with such a mortall stroake, that they died on heaps, as they lay in their houses, and the living, that were able to shift for themselves, would runne away and let them dy, and let their carkases ly above the ground

*The year 1618 seems to have been very fruitful in comets, " as therein no less than four were observed." I. Mather's Discourse concerning Comets, 108. Boston, 12mo. 1683. There may be seen a curious passage concerning the comet of 1618 in Rushworth's Hist. Col. of that year.

New English Canaan, 23, by Thomas Morton, 4to. Amsterdam, 1637.

CHAP. II.]

SQUANTO-MASSASOIT.

17

without buriall. For in a place where many inhabited, there hath been but one left alive to tell what became of the rest; the living being (as it seems) not able to bury the dead. They were left for crowes, kites, and vermine to pray upon. And the bones and skulls, upon the severall places of their habitations, made such a spectacle, after my comming into those parts,* that, as I travailed in that forrest nere the Massachussets, it seemed to me a new-found Golgotha." Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as we have seen, was well acquainted with the coast of New England. After his design failed at Sagadahock, he tells us that he sent over a ship upon his own account, which was to leave a company under one Vines, to remain and trade in the country. These were his own servants, and he ordered "them to leave the ship and ship's company, for to follow their business in the usual place, (for, he says, I knew they would not be drawn to seek by any means,) by these, and the help of those natives formerly sent over, I come to be truly informed of so much as gave me assurance that in time I should want no undertakers, though as yet I was forced to hire men to stay there the winter quarter, at extreme rates, and not without danger, for that the wart had consumed the Bashaba, and the most of the great sagamores, with such men of action as followed them, and those that remained were sore afflicted with the plague; for that the country was in a manner left void of inhabitants. Notwithstanding, Vines, and the rest with him that lay in the cabins with those people that died, some more, some less, mightily, (blessed be God for it) not one of them ever felt their heads to ache while they stayed there." Here, although we are put in possession of several of the most important facts, yet our venerable author is deficient in one of the main particularsI mean that of dates. Therefore we gain no further data as to the time or continuance of this plague among the Indians; for Sir Ferdinando adds to the above, "and this course I held some years together, but nothing to my private profit," &c.

In Capt. Smith's account of New England, published in 1631, he has a passage about the plague, which is much like that we have given above from Morton. The ship cast away, he says, was a fishing vessel, and the man that they kept a prisoner, on telling them he feared his God would destroy them, their king made him stand on the top of a hill, and collected his people about it that the man might see how numerous they were. When he had done this, he demanded of the Frenchman whether his God, that he told so much about, had so many men, and whether they could kill all those. On his assuring the king that he could, they derided him as before. Soon after, the plague carried off all of the Massachusetts, 5 or 600, leaving only 30, of whom 28 were killed by their neighbors, the other two escaping until the English came, to whom they gave their country. The English told the Indians that the dis ase was the plague. Capt. Smith says this account is second hand to him, and therefore begs to be excused if it be not true in all its particulars.

We have now come to one of the most interesting characters in Indian history.

MASSASOIT, chief of the Wampanoags, resided at a place called Pokanoket or Pawkunnawkut, by the Indians, which is now included in the town of Bristol, Rhode Island. He was a chief renowned more in peace thau war, and was, as long as he lived, a friend to the English, notwithstanding they committed repeated usurpations upon his lands and liberties.

This chi f's name has been written with great variation, as Woosamequin, Asuhme quin, Oosamequen, Osamekin, Owsamequin, Owsamequine, Ussamequen, Wasanegin, &c.; but the name by which he is generally known in history, is that with which we commence his life.§ Mr. Prince, in his Annals, says of that name,

* Mr. Morton first came over in 1622. He settled near Weymouth. After great trouble and losses from those of a different rel gion, he was banished out of the country, and had his property sequestered, but soon after returned. He died in York, Me., 1646. If it be preten led thai Morton had no religion, we say. "Judge not." He professed to have.

† Mr. Richarl Vin's, America painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. 4to. Lond. 1659. A great war among the In lians at this time is mentioned by most of the first writers, but the particulars of it cannot be known. It seems to have been between the Tarratines and tribes to the west of Pascataqua.

Some have derived the name of Massachusetts from this chief, but that conjecture is not to be heeded. If any man knew, we may be allowed to suppose that Roger Williams did.

18

MASSASOIT.

[Book II. "the printed accounts generally spell him Massasoit; Gov. Bradford writes him Massasoyt, and Massasoyet; but I find the ancient people, from their fathers in Plimouth colony, pronounced his name Ma-sas-so-it." Still we find no inclination to change a letter in a name so venerable, and which has been so long established; for if a writer suffer the spirit of innovation in himself, he knows not where to stop, and we pronounce him no antiquary.

It has often been thought strange, that so mild a sachem as Massasoit should have possessed so great a country, and our wonder has been increased when we consider, that Indian possessions are generally obtained by prowess and great personal courage. We know of none who could boast of such extensive dominions, where all were contented to consider themselves his friends and children. Powhatan, Pontiac, Little-turtle, Tecumseh, and many more that we could name, have swayed many tribes, but theirs was a temporary union, in an emergency of war. That Massasoit should be able to hold so many tribes together, without constant war, required qualities belonging only to few. That he was not a warrior no one will allow, when the testimony of Annawon is so direct to the point. For that great chief gave Capt. Church "an account of what mighty success he had had formerly, in the wars against many nations of Indians, when he served Asuhmequin, Philip's father."

The limits of his country towards the Nipinuks, or inland Indians, are not precise, but upon the east and west we are sure. It is evident, however, from the following extract, that, in 1647, the Nipmuks were rather uncertain about their sachem, and probably belonged at one time to Massasoit, and at another to the Narragansets, or others, as circumstances impelled. "The Nopnat (Nipnet, or Nipmuk) Indians having noe sachem of their own are at liberty; part of them, by their own choice, doe appertaine to the Narraganset sachem, and parte to the Mohegens."* And certainly, in 1660, those of Quabaog belonged to Massasoit or Wassamegin, as he was then called (if he be the same), as will be evident from facts, to be found in the life of Uncas. He owned Cape Cod, and all that part of Massachusetts and Rhode Island between Narraganset and Massachusetts bays; extending inland between Pawtucket and Charles rivers, a distance not satisfactorily ascertained, as was said before, together with all the contiguous islands. It was filled with many tribes or nations, and all looking up to him, to sanction all their expeditions, and settle all their difficulties. And we may remark, further, with regard to the Nipmuks, that at one time they were his tributaries. And this seems the more probable, for in Philip's war there was a constant intercourse between them, and when any of his men made an escape, their course was directly into the country of the Nipmuks. No such intercourse subsisted between the Narragansets and either of these. But, on the contrary, when a messenger from the Narragansets arrived in the country of the Nipmuks, with the heads of some of the English, to show that they had joined in the war, he was at first fired upon, though afterwards, when two additional heads were brought, he was received with them.

Massasoit had several places of residence, but the principal was Mount Hope, or Pokanokét. The English early gave it the name of Mount Hope, but from what circumstance we have not learned. Some suppose the words Mount Hope corrupted from the Indian words Mon-top, but with what reason we are not informed. Since we have thus early noticed the seat of the ancient chiefs, before proceeding with the life of the first of the Wampanoags, we will give a description of it. It appears to the best advantage from the village of Fall River, in the town of Troy, Massachusetts, from which it is distant about four miles. From this place, its top very much resembles the dome of the state

He learned from the Indian themselves, "that the Massachusetts were called so from the Blue Hills," In the vocabulary of Indian words, by Rev. John Cotton, the definition of Massachusett is, an hill in the form of an arrow's head." *Records of the U. Col. in Hazard, ii. 92.

66

+ Aiden's Collection of Epitaphs, iv. 685. President Stiles, in his notes to the second edition of CHURCH'S HIST. PHILIP'S WAR, p. 7, spells it Mont-haup; but it is not so in the text of either edition. Moreover, we have not been able to discover that Mon-top is derived from Indian word or words, and do not hesitate to pronounce it a corruption of the two English words commonly used in naming it.

CHAP. II.]

MASSASOIT.

19

house in Boston, as seen from many places in the vicinity, at four or five miles' distance. Its height by admeasurement is said to be about 200 feet.* It is very steep on the side towards Pocasset, and its appearance is very regular. To its natural appearance a gentleman of Bristol has contributed to add materially, by placing upon its summit a circular summer-house, and this is a principal reason why it so much resembles the Massachusetts state-house. This mount, therefore, since some time previous to 1824, does not appear as in the days of Massasoit, and as it did to his early friends and visitors, Winslow and Hamden. It was sufficiently picturesque without such addition, as an immense stone originally formed its summit, and completed its domelike appearance. The octagonal summer-house being placed upon this, completes the cupola or turret. From this the view of Providence, Warren, Bristol, and, indeed, the whole surrounding country, is very beautiful.

This eminence was known among the Narragansets by the name Pokanoket, which signified in their language the wood or land on the other side of the water, and to the Wampanoags by the name Sowwams. And it is worthy remark here that Kuequenaku was the name of the place where Philadelphia now stands. Mr. Heckewelder says, it signified the grove of the long pine trees. There was a place in Middleborough, and another in Raynham, where he spent some part of particular seasons, perhaps the summer. The place in Raynham was near Fowling Pond, and he no doubt had many others.

Sir Francis Drake is the first, of whom we have any account, that set foot upon the shores of New England. This was in 1586, about seven years after he had taken possession, and named the same country New England or New Albion, upon the western side of the continent. It is an error of long standing, that Prince Charles named the country New England, and it even now so stands upon the pages of history. But it is very clear that Sir Francis is justly' entitled to the credit of it. American historians seem to have looked no further than Prince and Robertson, and hence assert that Capt. Smith named the Country New England. We will now hear Smith on this matter. "New England is that part of America, in the Ocean sea, opposite to Noua Albion, in the South Sea, discovered by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake, in his voyage about the world, in regard whereof, this is stiled New England."

Capt. Smith, in 1614, made a survey of the coast of what is now New England, and because the country was already named New England, or, which is the same, New Albion, upon its western coast, he thought it most proper to stamp it anew upon the eastern. Therefore Capt. Smith neither takes to himself the honor of naming New England, as some writers of authority assert, nor does he give it to King Charles, as Dr. Robertson and many others, copying hin, have done.

The noble and generous minded Smith, unlike Americus, would not permit or suffer his respected friend and cotemporary to be deprived of any honor due to him in his day; and to which we may attribute the revival of the name New England in 1614.

It was upon some part of Cape Cod that the great circumnavigator landed. He was visited by the "king of the country," who submitted his territories to him, as Hioh had done on the western coast. After several days of mutual trade, and exchange of kindnesses, during which time the natives became greatly attached to Sir Francis, he departed for England. Whether the "king` of the country" here mentioned were Massasoit, we have not the means of knowing, as our accounts do not give any name; but it was upon his dominions that this first landing was made, and we have therefore thought it proper to be thus particular, and which, we venture to predict, will not be unacceptable to our readers.‡

* Yamoyden, 259.

+ Sce his "Description of N. Ergland," and the error may henceforth be dispensed with. The first authority which we foun for these interesting facts, (interesting to every son of New England,) is a work entitled "Naval Biography," &c. of Great Britain, 2 vols. 8vo. London, 1805, and is in these words "The first attempt towards a regular colonization of N. England, occurs in the year 1606. It will easily be recollected, that this part of the Amerjean continent was first distinguished by the captains Barlow and Amidas; that Sir Francis Drake, when he touched here on his return from the West Indies, in 1586, was the first Engfishman who landed in these parts, and to whom one of the Indian kings subinitted his territory;

Smith landed in many places upon the shores of Massasoit's dominions, one of which places he named Plimouth, which happened to be the same which now bears that name.

Our accounts make Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold the next visitor to the shores of Massasoit, after Sir Francis Drake. His voyage was in 1602, and he was the first who came in a direct course from Old to New England. He landed in the same place where Sir Francis did 16 years before. The route had hitherto been by the Canaries and West India Islands, and a voyage to and from New England took up nearly a year.

We can know nothing of the early times of Massasoit. Our next visitor to his country, that we shall here notice, was Capt. Thomas Dermer. This was in May, 1619. He sailed for Monhigon; thence, in that month, for Virginia, in an open pinnace; consequently was obliged to keep close in shore. He found places which had been inhabited, but at that time contained no people; and farther onward nearly all were dead, of a great sickness, which was then prevailing, but nearly abated. When he came to Plimouth, all were dead. From thence he traveled a day's journey into the country westward, to Namasket, now Middleborough. From this place he sent a messenger to visit Massasoit. In this expedition, he redeemed two Frenchmen from Massasoit's people, who had been cast away on the coast three years before.

But to be more particular with Capt. Dermer, we will hear him in his own manner, which is by a letter he wrote to Samuel Purchase, the compiler of the Pilgrimage, dated 27 Dec. 1619.

"When I arrived at my savage's [Squanto's] native country, (finding all dead,) I travelled alongst a day's journey, to a place called Nummastaquyt, where finding inhabitants, I despatched a messenger, a day's journey farther west, to Pocanokit, which bordereth on the sea; whence came to see me two kings, attended with a guard of 50 armed men, who being well satisfied with that my savage and I discoursed unto them, (being desirous of novelty,) gave me content in whatsoever I demanded; where I found that former relations were true. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at Masstaand that Capt. Gosnoll, who made a little stay in the same place, gave such a report of N. England as to attract the attention of his adventurous countrymen, some of whom immediately procured a charter," &c.-Vol. I. p. 337, 338 If we could know from whence the above was taken (that is, the authority the writer of that work made use of), it might at once, perhaps, settle the question. Oldmixon, I. 25, has the same fact, though not quite so circumstantially related. Mr. Bancroft, in his 1 Vol. of the Hist. United States, supposes Oldmiron, through carelessness, mistakes Drake's landing in California, in 1579, for that in N. England, in 1586, because, as we suppose, he had not seen the fact elsewhere stated. But Drake was 40 days from Virginia to Plymouth, which would give him time enough to have visited N. England. See "The Life and Dangerous Voyages of Sir Francis Drake," &c., small 12mo., London, (without date), page 153. See also Stith's Virginia, p. 16.

What is said in Blome's account of America, p. 210, is not very conclusive. His words are, The year following (1585). Sir Richard Greenrile conveyed an English colony thither [this author mistakes the situation of the places he describes, in a wretched manner], under the government of Mr. Ralph Lane, who continued there [yet he is speaking of N. Eng.] till the next year (1586), but, upon some extraordinary occasion, returned, with Sir Francis Drake, into England, being accounted by some the first discoverer thereof." Blome's work was printed in 1687, and may have been Oldmixon's authority. In the Gent. Mag., Vol. XXV., p. 291, it is said, “Sir Francis Druke, who made a discent on the coast, continued there but a very short time, so that whatever had been known of this country was so much forgotten in 1602, that Gosnold fell in with the coast by accident, as he was pursuing another design." Forster's error about Sir Francis's being on the coast in 1585, is surprising; but it is still more surprising that any one, pretending to be an historian, should copy it. See Forster, 295, and Anspach, Newfoundland, 71. In Prince's Worthies of Devon, an account of Sir Bernard Drake's expedition to the New England seas, in 1585, may be seen; also in Purchase, v. 1882. Queen Elisabeth sent over Sir Bernard, with a naval force, to dispossess any Portuguese, or others, that he might find fishing there. He found many vessels employed in that business, some of which he captured, and dispersed the rest, and returned to England with several Portuguese prizes. Now it is not at all improbable that Elizabeth had instructed Sir Francis to coast up into these seas, when he had finished his designs in South America and Virginia, to see if there were any vessels of other nations usurping the rights of her citizens; and hence inattentive writers have confounded the names of Sir Bernard and Sir Francis, they being both distinguished admirals at that time, and both having the same surname, and originally of the same family. The expedition of Sir Berned was the year before that of Sir Francis, and hence arose the anachronism. Several English navigators had been on this coast before 1600. Capt. George Drake made a voyage to the river St. Lawrence in 1593; but whether any of them landed in what is now New England, is at present unknown.