provenfe the case The punipurpose é the Sacrie, Procar und die Kingen bei den Afilters, p.6.2. 1. & It was an extremely ng mota. Sectre Ash Append 1 II. we ventured to offer & me e njectures on the organization of the Spartan aray, we w... take this ' described in language so comprehensive as opportunity of mestuming Lar: man's opinion on this 8 He sets out from the statement of Herodotas, 1., 65 Chestioned p. 52, and infers from it with. Mueller, that the army was organized scouring to the divisons of the tribes, but comer es that the syssa of which Herodotus speaks cannot have been the greater-which were no way consented with the loch, or the pentecostyes—but the smaller, of fifteen men each, which must therefore, he thinks, have been or girlay, as well as the tracades, subdivisŠOGA of the tribes. In the same way he conceives the six moras to have corresponded to the three tribes, according to that bipartition of which, as we have seen, he finds other exampies in the Dorian and the Attic tetrapolis, and in the Aventic hexapolis. The six Spartan moras he supposes to have formed the cadres of the army, in which the contingents of the provincial towns were incorporated; and he thinks it probable that it was only when they were thus filled up that they bore the name of mora When, as at Mantinea, the ariny was composed of citizens only, the Spartan mora, being considered only as a part of the corps properly so called, was termed a lockus; and when the whole Spartan force was brought into the field, four of the ordinary lochi were thrown into one; but when only a part of it was called out, the smaller lochi were retained as subdivisions of the mora, and hence he would account for the various statements as to the strength of the mora, which fluctuate between three and nine hundred men. XIII. ON THE DECREE OF CANNONUS. THE modern authors who have mentioned the decree of Cannonus seem all to have agreed in the supposition that one of its main objects was, in cases where there were several defendants charged with the offence described in it, to give each the benefit of a separate trial, Schneider, in his note on the Hellenics, 1, 7, 21, endeavours to accommodate the allusion in Aristoph., Eccles., 1089, to this supposed purport of the decree. Yet it seems clear that this was not the poet's meaning, and that the young man is only comparing his plight to that of a culprit who, under the decree of Cannonus, was placed at the bar held by a person on each side. In this sense the Greek Scholiast, though his words are corrupted, clearly understood the passage. He says, ψηφισμό γε γράφει κατεχόμενον ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἀπολογεῖσθαι τὸν κατ' εἰσαγγελίαν ἀποκρινόμενον. And it does not appear that Hesychius meant anything else, though he uses the plural number in the words quoted by Schneider: Kavγώνου ψήφισμα· εἰσήνεγκε γὰρ οὗτος ψήφισμα ὥστε διειλημμένους τους κρινομένους ἑκατέρωθεν ἀπολογεῖσθαι. From the language of Hesychius, Schneider collects that the word ikariowcy belongs to the decree of Cannouus; but the xa de possible case of treason, déi ng tù fum alve C was to be kept in close custody till the tail was men je go farther, and observe, that such a clause would have been XIV. ON THE CONSTITUTION OF ATHENS UNDER THE THIRTY. LACHMANN has endeavoured, in the work above noticed. to determine the constitution of the provincial towns of Laconia, and conceives that it is illustrated by the meas which Lysander adopted in the cities subjected to the Spartan dominion after the Peloponnesian war. As Laconis. according to Ephorus, was divided into six provinces (five besides that which included Sparta itself), he thinks that the division of Messenia into five provinces was also made by the Spartans after the conquest. There were thus tea provinces, besides the tract occupied by the sovereign prople. Now the Scholiast of Pindar, Ol. vi. 184, says (12 passage which has very much the appearance of being metilated, or otherwise corrupted) that there were twelf harmosts of the Lacedæmonians. This would give two fur APPENDIX. each of the provinces, corresponding to the Spartan kings. But again we read of a hundred provincial towns, which, as one of those named among them (thea) was in Messenia, must have answered to the ten provinces, so that the district subject to each harmost included five towns. If, as Lachmann thinks clear, Messenia was comprehended in the 30,000 parcels mentioned by Plutarch (Lyc., 8), there would be 300 to each town, and this may therefore be considered as the number of the families which possessed landed property in each township, and formed a provincial nobility. From them were elected the Councils of Ten, which, according to the analogy of Lysander's institutions, Lachmann supposes to have governed the towns under the harmosts. But the decarchy was only introduced in the towns which had been subject to another state, as the provincial towns to Sparta. The Constitution of an imperial city, like Athens, was regulated on the model of Sparta itself, as nearly as the difference of circumstances would permit. Hence a council of Thirty was established there, in imitation of the Spartan senate, while Piræus, as a distinct provincial town, was ruled by a decarchy. Even for the Three Thousand Lachmann finds a parallel in the Spartan institutions. was, as we have seen, according to him, the number of the families contained in the three tribes before the admission of the commonalty. It the atrocities of his government from those of the French We ought, perhaps, to have noticed a conjecture of Sie- isse numerum. If we suppose it to have been XV. ON LYSANDER'S REVOLUTIONARY PROJECTS THE account which Plutarch gives, on the authority of Ephorus (avopos icropikov kai piλocópov, Lys., 25), of the mode in which Lysander meant to bring about the revolution which he meditated at Sparta, is chiefly remarkable as it shows the degree of credulity which he attributed to his countrymen. There was, it seems, somewhere on the coast of the Euxine a young impostor named Silenus, who gave himself out as the son of Apollo. Lysander had prevailed on this youth to lend himself to his designs, and hoimpostor's pretensions, and then to use his authority to confirm a forged prophecy which was to be brought to light at Sparta, to the effect that the state would be more prosperous if the kings were elected from the worthiest citizens. Plutarch conceives that Lysander did not fall upon the thought of this machinery in aid of his revolutionary plans until they had been so far matured that he had procured a speech to be written for him by Cleon of Halicarnassus, with which he intended to recommend the measure. He was then struck with the difficulty of the enterprise, and bethought himself of playing upon the superstition and credulity of the Spartans. All was ready for the execution of his project, when one of his associates became frightened, and withdrew; and his own untimely death soon after put an end to it. Nor was it discovered until the speech was found in his house, which, however, Agesilaus was induced to suppress by the advice of the ephor Lacratidas. Ingenious as these combinations are, we doubt whether, with regard to Athens, they do not place the state of the case in a false point of view. That in the Athenian oligarchical party there was a predilection, or at least an affectation of respect for the Spartan institutions, cannot be denied. It is sufficiently indicated by the name of ephors, which was assumed by Critias and his four colleagues before the surrender of the city. Among the remaining frag-ped first to gain the sanction of the Delphic oracle for the ments of the poetry of Critias is part of an elegy, in which he celebrates the superiority of the Spartan convivial usages over those of the other Greeks. He had paid particular attention to the institutions of the Greek states, many of which he had described in a poetical work, which, it seems, bore the same title as Aristotle's on the same subject. It would therefore be possible that he might be better acquainted than even Lysander himself with the Spartan constitutional antiquities, for among them must be numbered the original complement of the three Spartan tribes. But the question is, how far it was the design either of Lysander or of the Athenian oligarchs to assimilate the new Constitution of Athens to that of Sparta. That it was the number of the Spartan senate that suggested the council of Thirty is indeed highly probable, if not absolutely certain; but this fact seems to be of very little importance, unless it was part of a plan, such as Lachmann attributes to Lysander and his partisans, of ordering everything strictly upon the Spartan model. But of this assertion we find no proof; and something very different seems to be implied in the language of Xenophon where he speaks of the institution of the Thirty. He would lead us to suppose that it was avowedly only a temporary measure, preliminary to a new Constitution, which was to be framed by Critias and his colleagues, not, however, upon the Spartan, but upon the ancient Attic model; and, indeed, it would appear as if Lachmann had entirely overlooked that, besides the Thirty, a larger council and other magistrates were actually appointed, for whom there was no pattern to be found at Sparta. Such professions especially became Critias, who descended in a collateral line from Solon. But as Lysander probably aimed at nothing beyond the establishment of a very narrow oligarchy, so Critias, perhaps, never intended to make any farther changes as long as the councils and the other magistrates were subservient to his will. As to the reasons which induced him to fix upon the number 3000 for that of the citizens who were to enjoy the new fran-Nepos ascribed it to his resentment against the ephors who cluse, it does not seem necessary to resort to Lachmann's hypothesis for an explanation. That number was naturally suggested by its proportion to the number of the supreme council, when the question was, whether the forms of the preceding oligarchy should in this respect be retained or altered. But it seems clear from Xenophon's account that the institution of the Three Thousand was merely an after-enced some personal humiliation from them, which must thought, which had not entered into the original plan either of Critias or of Lysander, and would never have been conceived but for the opposition of Theramenes, and the dangers which threatened the tyrants both from within and without. We cannot agree with Manso (Sparta, iii., 2, p. 47), that the circumstantial details with which the ancients relate Lysander's project place the fact beyond doubt; if its credinclined to censure the temerity with which it has been reibility rested on no other ground, we should not have been jected by a modern author, though the reason which he assigns for his incredulity-Xenophon's silence-would not be the less absurd; for the same motives which induced the Spartan government to hush up the affair, would cerit. Our conviction of the truth of the main fact is groundtainly have led Xenophon carefully to avoid all allusions to ed chiefly on its perfect congruence with the character and the position of Lysander, and with several well-attested events in his history. The motives which urged Pausanias and Cinadon to a similar enterprise were all combined in Lysander. The ancients, indeed, do not agree in their accounts of his motives, and consequently differ as to the epoch when he first formed the design. But these discrepanetes may be easily reconciled. The authors followed by Agesilaus. Both motives may have conspired to fix his abolished his decarchies; Plutarch, to his quarrel with resolution. It was not only, or for the first time, in the abolition of the decarchies that he had been thwarted by the ephors. It appears from Plutarch (Lys., 19, 20) that still earlier after his triumph at gos-potami he had experi then have been peculiarly irritating to him, from its contrust with the extravagant flattery which he had received abroad, especially in the Ionian cities. Nevertheless, here again it is only the general fact that we can accept as probable, for it seems impossible to reconSievers, in his excellent little work on Xenophon's Helle-cile Plutarch's details with Xenophon's narrative. Plunius, which has thrown more light than any other we have tarch says that Pharnabazus sent envoys to Sparta with met with on the period included in the first two books, ex- complaints against Lysander, on account of damage done presses an opinion which we think much too favourable of to his territory, and that the ephors put his friend and colthe character and motives of Critias. This, however, is a league Thorax to death, and sent a scytale to recall him. point with which we have here nothing to do. But the lan- Lysander was alarmed by this message, and, before he quitgauge in which he speaks of the designs of Critias seems to ted the Hellespont, prevailed on Pharnabazus to give him an exculpatory letter for the ephors; but Pharnabazus craftus hardly consistent with itself. He says, p. 50, Critins, uvenili quodam et generoso ardore flagraus, antiquum tempus, ily submitted one which contained a repetition of his former charges. Yet no punishment appears to have been inSed hoc in consilio exut ita dicam, reducere conatus est. flicted on him, and a few days after he obtained leave, it is sequendo-id haud facile quisquam negaret-mhil pensi niIt seems clear that in this account there is much disIl sancti habuit, dummodo ad id quod veilet perveniret. said, to set out on a journey to the oracle of Jupiter AmThen follows an attempt to excuse him, and to distinguish mon. |