HISTORY OF GREECE.

he might still be employed in the public service. | the condition of his exemption from personal The king very willingly complied, and sent him service, to furnish a trooper. In the spring he to the Hellespont, where not long after he collected his forces at Ephesus, and put them achieved an acquisition of some moment to the into an active course of training, rousing their Spartan arms. high rank, named Spithridates, who had been the most gallant show and the highest degree He prevailed on a Persian of emulation by the prizes which he proposed for offended by Pharnabazus, to revolt, and come of expertness in every department of the serwith his family, his treasures, and 200 horse, to vice. Xenophon, as an old soldier, is delighted Cyzicus, and thence sailed with him and his with the recollection of the military bustle son to Ephesus, and presented them to Agesi- which prevailed during this season at Ephesus. laus, who received them with great pleasure, where the wrestling schools and the hippoand took this opportunity of gaining informa- drome were constantly enlivened by the exertion about the state of Pharnabazus. This in- cises of the men, the market was abundantly cident produced an apparent reconciliation be- supplied with horses, and arms of every kind, tween him and Lysander; but we shall see rea- and all the trades subservient to war were kept son to suspect that on one side, at least, it was in full employment. Among other devices for not sincere. rowed a hint, it would seem, from one of Cmon's stratagems, and ordered his Persian raising the spirits of his troops, Agesilaus borprisoners to be exposed to sale naked, that the Greeks might contrast the delicacy of their persons with the robustness of frames hardened by the exercises of the palæstra.

The

Tissaphernes had no sooner received such an addition to his forces as appeared to him sufficient to overpower Agesilaus, than he threw aside the mask, and sent a message to the Spartan king, bidding him immediately quit Asia, or prepare for war. The council and the allies were somewhat daunted by his arrogant tone and apparent strength; but Agesilaus, who had exBefore he took the field again, a year having pected this result, and desired no other, told the expedition, Lysander and his colleagues were now elapsed from the commencement of his envoys to carry back his thanks to their master superseded by a new body of councillors, and for the advantage he had given the Greeks by returned home. his perjury. He then ordered his troops to put been considered the chief of the new council, themselves in readiness for a long march; sent Herippidas seems to have word to the towns which lay on the road to pointed by Agesilaus to the command of the Caria to lay in provisions for the use of his Cyreans; and some of his colleagues were as Lysander had been of the last, and was ap army; and called on the cities of louia, Æolis, placed at the head of the principal divisions of and the Hellespont, for their contingents. Tis- the army. Agesilaus then gave public notice saphernes thought he had the more reason to that he meant to take the shortest road into fear that the threat implied in these prepara- the richest part of the enemy's country. tions would be verified, as Caria, besides that notice was designed not more for the preparait contained the principal source of his private tion of his own troops, than for Tissaphernes, revenues, was a country ill suited for the oper- who concluded that if this had been the interations of cavalry, in which his own strength tion of Agesilaus, he would not have disclosed lay, and Agesilaus' was extremely deficient.* it, and that now Caria was certainly his real He therefore concentrated all his forces there, mark. He therefore repeated the dispositions and occupied the vale of the Mæander with his of the preceding summer. But while he waited cavalry, to prevent the enemy reaching the for the enemy with his cavalry in the vale of the passes which led into the heart of the province. Mæander, Agesilaus directed his march towards Agesilaus had reckoned upon this effect of the the plains of Sardis, the richest of western Asia satrap's selfish fears, and, instead of seeking During three days he traversed them without him in Caria, marched in the opposite direction seeing an enemy; but on the fourth the Persian towards the residence of Pharnabazus. As this cavalry, which Tissaphernes seems to have sent invasion was quite unexpected, he found the forward as soon as he heard of the movements towns on his road unprepared for resistance, of Agesilaus, suddenly came up, and cut off and collected an immense booty. He penetra- many of the followers of the camp, as they ted nearly to Dascylium without encountering were ranging over the country in quest of plunan enemy. But in that neighbourhood he fell der. According to Xenophon, an engagement in with a body of Persian horse, and, by the is-immediately ensued, in which the Persian horse, sue of a skirmish which ensued, was made to notwithstanding their great superiority in numfeel its superiority in equipments and training bers-Diodorus makes them amount to 10,000 over his own. The next day when he sacrificed, observes Xenophon-as if he was rela-ported by their infantry. The victors followed -were defeated by the Greeks, who were supting a providential warning, not a human contrivance the victims were found imperfect; and Agesilaus advanced no farther, but retreated towards Ephesus. There he spent the winter in preparations for the next campaign, and more particularly applied himself to the raising of a body of cavalry, which he perceived would be indispensable to the success and the safety of his future operations. For this purpose he made a list of the most opulent men in the Greek cities, and compelled each of them, as

* Xenophon says, ἱππικὸν οὐκ είχεν. after (ii., 4, 13) we find that he had some.

But immediately

up their advantage, and made themselves masters of the enemy's camp, where they found a booty which yielded upward of seventy talents. Some of the camels taken on this occasion were reserved by Agesilaus to be carried, as a rarity, to Greece.

and his countrymen, many of whom had proably suffered considerable loss from the inva Tissaphernes had already arrived at Sardis : sion, bitterly censured him for leaving ther unprotected, and even, it seems, charged bira with treachery, though none of them could have lost Plut., Cim., 9.

DEATH OF TISSAPHERNES.-MISSION OF TIMOCRATES.

*

561

more by it than himself, if, as Diodorus relates, | spatch which reached him as he lay near Cuma, a magnificent park and pleasure-grounds, which he learned that he had been invested with the he possessed in the neighbourhood of Sardis, administration of naval affairs, that he was emwere spoiled by the invaders. Still, his con- powered to appoint whom he would to the office duct afforded some pretext for such an accusa- of admiral, and still to regulate the operations tion; and the complaints it excited were car- of the fleet at his discretion. Thus to unite ried up to the court, where he had one implaca- the supreme command of the army and of the ble and powerful enemy in the fiendish Parysa- navy in one person was an unexampled mark tis, who thirsted to revenge herself on him for of confidence, and a striking indication of the his enmity to her favourite son. She had al- new energy which ambition had infused into ready found that Artaxerxes was weak enough the Spartan counsels. Agesilaus immediately to sacrifice his most faithful servants to her re- took measures for raising a fleet; and, by a jusentment, even when he knew that it was in- dicious distribution of the burden among the flamed by the very services which they had maritime allies and his influence with wealthy rendered to himself; and according to the most individuals, collected 120 new galleys. But he probable account, it was in compliance with her was less prudent and fortunate in the choice of request that he now ordered Tissaphernes to be an admiral, and, instead of seeking the highest put to death. He consented, perhaps, with the qualifications, consulted his private affection in less reluctance, not only because he was persua- the appointment of his wife's brother, Pisander. ded that it was a just punishment, but because When this business was despatched, he conhe had been led to believe that Tissaphernes was tinued his march to the satrapy of Pharnabazus. the main obstacle in the way of peace, and that These preparations, combined, perhaps, with his death would free his dominions from the other tokens, convinced Tithraustes that Agespresence of a formidable enemy. The execu-ilaus had no intention of withdrawing from Asia, tion of the sentence was committed to Ti- but was inclined rather to extend than contract thraustes, who was appointed to succeed Tis- his views, and cherished strong hopes of effectsaphernes in his satrapy, and was instructed to ing the conquest of the empire. He perceived open a negotiation with Agesilaus. According- that he had only purchased a temporary relief, ly, after executing the first part of his commis- and bethought himself how he might employ sion, which he did in the Turkish style by the the gold, which was his last remaining stay, to hands of an underling, who surprised Tissapher- greater advantage. The history of the contest nes in his bath, + Tithraustes sent envoys to treat between Greece and Persia afforded several inwith the Spartan king. He affected to consider structive lessons, which were now peculiarly Tissaphernes as the author of the quarrel be- applicable. At the time when the first Artatween his master and the Greeks, and, as if the xerxes was embarrassed by the success of the end of their expedition was now answered by Athenians in Egypt, he sent an agent, as we their enemy's death, proposed that Agesilaus have seen, with bribes to Sparta, to procure a should return home. As to the Asiatic Greeks, diversion in his favour. Tithraustes now reArtaxerxes was willing to acknowledge their sorted to a similar expedient. He sent a Rhoindependence, on condition that they would pay dian, named Timocrates, to Greece, with a sum their ancient tribute. Agesilaus replied, that of fifty talents, which he was charged to dishe had no authority to conclude peace without tribute, with proper precautions, among the the sanction of the government at home; but leading persons in the states which might be he would transmit the Persian overtures to most easily induced to interrupt the progress of Sparta. In the mean while, Tithraustes was Agesilaus by kindling a war against Sparta at very anxious that hostilities should be suspend- home. Not only was this mission itself a notoed in his province, and, pleading his own mer-rious and unquestionable fact, but Xenophon its in the execution of Tissaphernes, begged Agesilaus, while he waited for an answer to the terms proposed, to turn his arms against the satrapy of Pharnabazus. To this Agesilaus consented, on condition that Tithraustes would defray the expense of the march; and he received thirty talents on that score. This was a step beyond former precedents; for even Tissaphernes, though he had not scrupled to conclude a separate truce, had not paid the enemy a subsidy for invading another part of his mas-haps be inferred, from the notoriety of the transter's dominions.

On his march towards the territories of Pharnabazus, Agesilaus received a flattering testimony of the approbation with which his proceedings were viewed at Sparta, and of the disposition which prevailed there to support him in the prosecution of the war. By a de• Diodorus, xiv., 80. Polyanus, v., 16, 1. According

to Xenophon (see above, p. 539), he had provoked her resentment by a wanton insult.

* Diodorus, u. e., συνέλαβε Τισσαφέρνην διά τινος Λαρισ Caiov carpazov Xovopevov. Polyanus, vit, 16, 1, calls him Ariaus, but the words of Diodorus seem hardly to admit of Palmer's correction, Apiaiou for Aapiconiou, and perhaps do Bot require any, unless this is the Ariaus of the Anabasis and the Helleiues, iv., 1, 27.

VOL. I-4 B

professes an equal degree of certainty as to the names of the persons who received the money. It was in Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, that Timocrates is said to have executed his commission. At Thebes he purchased the services of Androclidas, Ismenias, and Galaxidorus; at Corinth, those of Timolaus and Polyanthes; at Argos, those of Cyclon and his friends. Unless we suppose Xenophon to have placed too much reliance on a mere party rumour, it may per

action, that the persons he mentions made no
secret of their share in it, and considered the
Persian gold as a subsidy granted for the sup-
port of a just and patriotic cause.
We may at
least venture to believe that, though it may
have roused them to greater activity, it pro-
duced no change in their political sentiments;
and we even doubt whether it gave rise to any
events which would not have occurred nearly
as soon without it. It was, indeed, natural
enough for Agesilaus and his friends to attribute
the disappointment of his hopes to the venality
of their adversaries; but Xenophon himself ob-

* P. 301.

friend left. Argos had always been hostile: Elis had just been deeply wronged. Corinth, Arcadia, and Achaia saw the services which they had rendered in the war requited with insolent ingratitude, and were subject to the control of harmosts, who were not even citizens of Sparta, but Helots; bondmen at home, masters abroad. The cities once subject to Athens, which had been tempted to revolt by the pros

their hopes, and groaned under the double yoke of a foreign governor and a domestic oligarchy. The Persian king, to whom Sparta mainly owed her victory, she had immediately afterward treated as an enemy. Athens might now place herself at the head of a confederacy much more powerful than the empire which she had lost: and the Spartan dominion would be more easily overthrown than the Athenian had been, in proportion as the allies of Sparta were stronger than the subjects of Athens.

serves that the Athenians, though they did not They had shown themselves the real friends of receive any share of the gold, were eager for both the Athenian parties; while the Spartans war in the hope of recovering their independ- had as little claim to the gratitude of that which ence. And it is clear, from his own narrative, they had abandoned to its magnanimous adver that similar feelings of jealousy or resentment saries as to the good-will of that which they towards Sparta already prevailed at Thebes, had helped to oppress. But it was chiefly to Corinth, and Argos, and were only waiting for the hopes and fears of his hearers that the an opportunity of displaying themselves in open speaker addressed himself. The Athenians dehostility, but needed no corrupt influence to ex-sired to recover their pre-eminence in Greece, cite them. and their readiest way to that end was to deThe anti-Laconian party at Thebes-the clare themselves the protectors of all who suf same, no doubt, which had sheltered the Athe-fered under Spartan tyranny. If they were innian exiles, and had contrived the affront offer-clined to dread the enemy's power, they had ed to Agesilaus at Aulis, and which had, there- only to reflect by what means their own had fore, reason to dread his resentment if he should been overthrown. Sparta likewise now ruled ever return to Europe as the conqueror of Asia over unwilling subjects and offended allies, who -set the first springs of hostility in motion. only wanted a leader to encourage them to reThe disposition to war they found already ex-volt from her. Indeed, she had not one sincere isting; a pretext only was wanting, and this they easily devised. Means were found to induce the Locrians of Opus to make an inroad upon a tract of land which had been long the subject of contention between them and their neighbours the Phocians. The Phocians retaliated by the invasion of the Opuntian Locris, and the Thebans were soon persuaded to take part with the Locrians, and invade Phocis. The Phocians, as was foreseen, applied for suc-pect of liberty, found themselves cheated of cour to Sparta, where, as Xenophon admits, there was the utmost readiness to lay hold on any pretence for a war with Thebes; and the present season of prosperity seemed to the Spartan government the most favourable for humbling a power which had given so many proofs of ill-will towards it. War, therefore, was decreed, and Lysander was sent into Phocis with instructions to collect all the forces he could raise there, and among the tribes seated about Mount Eta, and to march with them to Haliartus, in Boeotia, where Pausanias, with These arguments found a willing audience; the Peloponnesian troops, was to join him on they were seconded by many voices, and the an appointed day. Lysander discharged his assembly was unanimous in favour of the allcommission with his usual activity, and, be- ance with Thebes. Thrasybulus, who moved sides, succeeded in inducing Orchomenus, which the decree, reminded the Thebans that Athens was subject to Thebes, to assert its independ-was about to repay the obligation which they ence. Pausanias, having crossed the Laconian had laid on her when they refused to concur in border, waited at Tegea for the contingents which he had demanded from the allies. They seem to have come in slowly, and Corinth refused to take any part in the expedition. The Thebans, seeing themselves threatened with invasion, sent an embassy to prevail on the Athenians to make common cause with them against Sparta. There were many feelings to be overcome at Athens before this resolution could be adopted: recollections of a long hereditary grudge, of the animosity displayed by Thebes during the last war, and especial- Lysander, having collected all the forces he ly at its close; the sense of weakness, and the could raise in the north, marched to Haliartus: dread of provoking a power by which Ath- but he found that Pausanias had not yet arrived ens had so lately been brought to the brink of there. It was not in his character to remai destruction. The Theban orator thought it ne- anywhere inactive, and he was desirous of ma cessary, in the name of his countrymen, to dis- king himself master of the town. He first tried avow the vote which Erianthes had given in negotiation to engage it to revolt; but ther the congress, which decided the fate of the were some Theban and Athenian troops in the Athenians, as the unauthorized proposition of a place, whose presence overawed the dissaffes private individual. On the other hand, he urged cd, and he then resolved to venture on an 1the important service which the Thebans had sault. In the mean while his movements were more recently rendered to Athens in her great-known at Thebes, according to Plutarch, b est need, and by which they had incurred the means of an intercepted letter, which he ha resentment of Sparta, and were now driven addressed to Pausanias, who was at this time to seek protection from Athenian generosity.

riveting her chains, by active exertions, and at a great risk; for she would have to face the enmity of Sparta, while Piræus remained still unfortified. Both states prepared for was. Pausanias found an account that the Athenians sent envoys to Sparta, with a request that she would abstain from hostilities against Thebes, and would submit their differences to arbitration; he adds that the embassy was indignantly dismissed.* It can scarcely have been sent with any other view than to gain time.

* iii., 9, 11.

were felt by the troops as a degradation, such as a Lacedæmonian army had never before experienced. The general dejection and ill-humour which prevailed in the retreat were heightened by the insulting demeanour of the Thebans, who accompanied them on their march through Boeotia, and drove back all who deviated in the least from the line, with blows, into the road.

at Platea. Plutarch also relates that an Athenian army had already reached Thebes, and that it was intrusted by the Thebans with the guard of the city, while they marched to Haliartus, where they arrived before Lysander, introduced a small detachment into the town, and encamped the rest without. But Xenophon represents the Theban forces as arriving after Lysander, though he owns that he could not ascertain whether they fell upon him by sur- The conduct of Pausanias appears to have prise, or he was aware of their approach: it been, in the whole of this affair, perfectly blamewas only certain that a battle took place close less. He had failed, indeed, to reach Haliartus to the walls, in which Lysander was slain. It by the preconcerted day, but he arrived the day seems clear, however, from a comparison of all after; and when it is considered that he had accounts, that he was intercepted between the to collect his army from many quarters, and main body of the Thebans and the garrison, that the allies were generally averse to the exwhich made a sally; and he was known to pedition, he may seem rather to have deserved have fallen by the hand of a citizen of Haliar- praise for bringing it up so nearly within the tus. His troops were put to flight, and betook appointed time. The disastrous issue could themselves to the hills-a branch of the range only be attributed to Lysander's imprudence; of Helicon-which rose at no great distance and the decision of the council of war with rebehind the town. The conquerors pursued gard to the recovery of the slain, even if it was with great vigour, and incautiously pressed for- not clearly required by the circumstances of the ward up the rising ground until the difficulties case, could not reasonably be imputed as a of the ground brought them to a stand, and the crime to Pausanias. Yet, on his return to Sparfugitives, perceiving their perplexity, turned ta, he was capitally impeached; and the nature upon them, assailed them with a shower of of the charges brought against him showed that missiles, rolled down masses of rock on their he could not expect a fair trial, but was foreheads, and finally drove them, in disorder, with doomed to be sacrificed to public prejudice or the loss of more than 200 men, into the plain. to private passion, for the accusation embraced The dejection caused by this disaster was re- not merely his conduct in his last expedition, lieved the next day by the discovery that the but the indulgence which he had granted to the remains of Lysander's army had dispersed du- Athenian refugees in Piræus, though his measring the night. But the exultation of the The-ures on that occasion seem to have been viewbans at this fruit of their victory was dampeded with general approbation at the time, and in the course of a few hours by the appearance had only been proved to be impolitic by the of Pausanias, who had received the news of the battle on the road from Platea to Thespiæ, and had hastened his march to Haliartus. Yet, according to Diodorus, he brought with him no more than 6000 men; but so small a force could scarcely have produced the alarm described by Xenophon, who, with a slight touch of humour, exhibits the Theban camp as fluctuating between the extremes of presumption and despondency; for, the next day, their spirits were again raised by the arrival of Thrasybulus and an Athenian army, and their confidence was heightened when they perceived that Pausanias showed no disposition to seek an engagement. His situation was extremely embarrassing. According to Greek usage, it was absolutely necessary for him to recover the bodies of the slain, who are said to have amounted to a thousand, either by force or by consent of the victors. The greater part lay so near to the town walls, that the attempt to carry them away by force would be one of great difficulty and danger, even if he should gain a victory; and the enemy was so strong in cavalry, that the event of a battle would be very uncertain, especially as his own troops had engaged in the expedition with reluctance. He therefore held a council of war; and, after mature deliberation, the majority came to the decision-if, indeed, it was not unanimous-to apply for permission to carry away the dead. The Thebans, however, were not satisfied with this confession of their superiority, and refused to grant a truce, except on condition that the invaders should withdraw from Beotia. These terms were gladly accepted by Pausanias and his council, though they

event. But, under the irritation produced by the recent shame and disappointment, the Spartan senate was no more capable of listening to reason and justice than the Athenian assembly on some similar occasions; and it is probable that Lysander's friends did the utmost to inflame the public feelings against his old adversary. Pausanias did not appear at the trial; he was condemned to death, and was obliged to seek shelter in the venerated sanctuary of Athena Alea at Tegea, where he ended his days. His son Agesipolis succeeded to the throne.

Lysander left his family in a state of poverty, which proved that his ambition was quite pure from all sordid ingredients. But, if we may believe a story which became current after his death, and is related upon such authority that we can scarcely suppose it to have been without foundation, he was not satisfied either with fame or with the substance of power. He is said to have conceived the project of levelling the privileges of the two royal houses, and of making the kingly office elective and open to all Spartans, no doubt with the hope of obtaining it for himself. But the plan which he is said to have devised to compass this end, notwithstanding the superstition of his countrymen, which it was meant to work upon, sounds so marvellous that we do not venture to give it a place here, but only to mention its leading features in a note.* It is only a little less strange that he should have employed the pen of an Asiatic rhetorician-one Cleon of Halicarnassus-to compose an oration, which he once See the Appendix.