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HISTORY OF GREECE.

he might still be employed in the public service.
The king very willingly complied, and sent him
to the Hellespont, where not long after he
achieved an acquisition of some moment to the
Spartan arms.
high rank, named Spithridates, who had been
He prevailed on a Persian of
offended by Pharnabazus, to revolt, and come
with his family, his treasures, and 200 horse, to
Cyzicus, and thence sailed with him and his
son to Ephesus, and presented them to Agesi-
laus, who received them with great pleasure,
and took this opportunity of gaining informa-
tion about the state of Pharnabazus. This in-
cident produced an apparent reconciliation be-
tween him and Lysander; but we shall see rea-
son to suspect that on one side, at least, it was

not sincere.

the condition of his exemption from personal service, to furnish a trooper. In the spring he collected his forces at Ephesus, and put them into an active course of training, rousing their the most gallant show and the highest degree emulation by the prizes which he proposed for of expertness in every department of the service. Xenophon, as an old soldier, is delighted with the recollection of the military bustle which prevailed during this season at Ephesus. where the wrestling schools and the hippodrome were constantly enlivened by the exercises of the men, the market was abundantly supplied with horses, and arms of every kind, and all the trades subservient to war were kept in full employment. Among other devices for rowed a hint, it would seem, from one of C mon's stratagems,* and ordered his Persian raising the spirits of his troops, Agesilaus borprisoners to be exposed to sale naked, that the Greeks might contrast the delicacy of their persons with the robustness of frames hardened by the exercises of the palæstra.

The

Tissaphernes had no sooner received such an addition to his forces as appeared to him sufficient to overpower Agesilaus, than he threw aside the mask, and sent a message to the Spartan king, bidding him immediately quit Asia, or prepare for war. The council and the allies were somewhat daunted by his arrogant tone and apparent strength; but Agesilaus, who had expected this result, and desired no other, told the expedition, Lysander and his colleagues were Before he took the field again, a year having envoys to carry back his thanks to their master superseded by a new body of councillors, and now elapsed from the commencement of his for the advantage he had given the Greeks by returned home. his perjury. He then ordered his troops to put been considered the chief of the new council, themselves in readiness for a long march; sent word to the towns which lay on the road to pointed by Agesilaus to the command of the Herippidas seems to have Caria to lay in provisions for the use of his Cyreans; and some of his colleagues were as Lysander had been of the last, and was aparmy; and called on the cities of lonia, Æolis, placed at the head of the principal divisions of and the Hellespont, for their contingents. Tis- the army. Agesilaus then gave public notice saphernes thought he had the more reason to that he meant to take the shortest road into fear that the threat implied in these prepara- the richest part of the enemy's country. tions would be verified, as Caria, besides that notice was designed not more for the preparait contained the principal source of his private tion of his own troops, than for Tissaphernes, revenues, was a country ill suited for the oper- who concluded that if this had been the intenations of cavalry, in which his own strength tion of Agesilaus, he would not have disclosed lay, and Agesilaus' was extremely deficient.* it, and that now Caria was certainly his real He therefore concentrated all his forces there, mark. He therefore repeated the dispositions and occupied the vale of the Mæander with his of the preceding summer. But while he wanted cavalry, to prevent the enemy reaching the for the enemy with his cavalry in the vale of the passes which led into the heart of the province. Mæander, Agesilaus directed his march towards Agesilaus had reckoned upon this effect of the the plains of Sardis, the richest of western Asia. satrap's selfish fears, and, instead of seeking During three days he traversed them without him in Caria, marched in the opposite direction seeing an enemy; but on the fourth the Persian towards the residence of Pharnabazus. As this cavalry, which Tissaphernes seems to have sent invasion was quite unexpected, he found the forward as soon as he heard of the movements towns on his road unprepared for resistance, of Agesilaus, suddenly came up, and cut off and collected an immense booty. He penetra- many of the followers of the camp, as they ted nearly to Dascylium without encountering were ranging over the country in quest of plunan enemy. But in that neighbourhood he fell der. in with a body of Persian horse, and, by the is-immediately ensued, in which the Persian horse, sue of a skirmish which ensued, was made to notwithstanding their great superiority in numAccording to Xenophon, an engagement feel its superiority in equipments and training bers-Diodorus makes them amount to 10,000 over his own. ficed, observes Xenophon-as if he was rela-ported by their infantry. The victors followed The next day when he sacriting a providential warning, not a human con- up their advantage, and made themselves mas-were defeated by the Greeks, who were suptrivance- the victims were found imperfect; ters of the enemy's camp, where they found a and Agesilaus advanced no farther, but retreat- booty which yielded upward of seventy talents ed towards Ephesus. There he spent the win-Some of the camels taken on this occasion ter in preparations for the next campaign, and were reserved by Agesilaus to be carned, as a more particularly applied himself to the raising rarity, to Greece. of a body of cavalry, which he perceived would be indispensable to the success and the safety of his future operations. For this purpose he made a list of the most opulent men in the Greek cities, and compelled each of them, as

* Xenophon says, ἱππικὸν οὐκ είχεν. after (i., 4, 13) we find that he had some.

But immediately

and his countrymen, many of whom had probably suffered considerable loss from the inva Tissaphernes had already arrived at Sardis : sion, bitterly censured him for leaving them onprotected, and even, it seems, charged him with treachery, though none of them could have lost Plut., Cim., 9.

DEATH OF TISSAPHERNES.-MISSION OF TIMOCRATES.

*

561

more by it than himself, if, as Diodorus relates, spatch which reached him as he lay near Cuma, a magnificent park and pleasure-grounds, which he learned that he had been invested with the he possessed in the neighbourhood of Sardis, administration of naval affairs, that he was emwere spoiled by the invaders. Still, his con- powered to appoint whom he would to the office duct afforded some pretext for such an accusa- of admiral, and still to regulate the operations tion; and the complaints it excited were car- of the fleet at his discretion. Thus to unite ried up to the court, where he had one implaca- the supreme command of the army and of the ble and powerful enemy in the fiendish Parysa- navy in one person was an unexampled mark tis, who thirsted to revenge herself on him for of confidence, and a striking indication of the She had al- new energy which ambition had infused into his enmity to her favourite son. ready found that Artaxerxes was weak enough the Spartan counsels. Agesilaus immediately to sacrifice his most faithful servants to her re- took measures for raising a fleet; and, by a jusentment, even when he knew that it was in- dicious distribution of the burden among the flamed by the very services which they had maritime allies and his influence with wealthy rendered to himself; and according to the most individuals, collected 120 new galleys. But he probable account, it was in compliance with her was less prudent and fortunate in the choice of request that he now ordered Tissaphernes to be an admiral, and, instead of seeking the highest put to death. He consented, perhaps, with the qualifications, consulted his private affection in less reluctance, not only because he was persua- the appointment of his wife's brother, Pisander. ded that it was a just punishment, but because When this business was despatched, he conThese preparations, combined, perhaps, with he had been led to believe that Tissaphernes was tinued his march to the satrapy of Pharnabazus. the main obstacle in the way of peace, and that his death would free his dominions from the other tokens, convinced Tithraustes that Agespresence of a formidable enemy. The execu-ilaus had no intention of withdrawing from Asia, He perceived tion of the sentence was committed to Ti- but was inclined rather to extend than contract thraustes, who was appointed to succeed Tis- his views, and cherished strong hopes of effectsaphernes in his satrapy, and was instructed to ing the conquest of the empire. open a negotiation with Agesilaus. According-that he had only purchased a temporary relief, ly, after executing the first part of his commis- and bethought himself how he might employ sion, which he did in the Turkish style by the the gold, which was his last remaining stay, to hands of an underling, who surprised Tissapher- greater advantage. The history of the contest nes in his bath,+ Tithraustes sent envoys to treat between Greece and Persia afforded several inwith the Spartan king. He affected to consider structive lessons, which were now peculiarly Tissaphernes as the author of the quarrel be- applicable. At the time when the first Artatween his master and the Greeks, and, as if the xerxes was embarrassed by the success of the end of their expedition was now answered by Athenians in Egypt, he sent an agent, as we their enemy's death, proposed that Agesilaus have seen, with bribes to Sparta, to procure a should return home. As to the Asiatic Greeks, diversion in his favour. Tithraustes now reArtaxerxes was willing to acknowledge their sorted to a similar expedient. He sent a Rhoindependence, on condition that they would pay dian, named Timocrates, to Greece, with a sum Agesilaus replied, that of fifty talents, which he was charged to distheir ancient tribute. he had no authority to conclude peace without tribute, with proper precautions, among the the sanction of the government at home; but leading persons in the states which might be he would transmit the Persian overtures to most easily induced to interrupt the progress of Sparta. In the mean while, Tithraustes was Agesilaus by kindling a war against Sparta at very anxious that hostilities should be suspend- home. Not only was this mission itself a notoed in his province, and, pleading his own mer-rious and unquestionable fact, but Xenophon its in the execution of Tissaphernes, begged Agesilaus, while he waited for an answer to the terms proposed, to turn his arms against the satrapy of Pharnabazus. To this Agesilaus consented, on condition that Tithraustes would defray the expense of the march; and he received thirty talents on that score. This was a step beyond former precedents; for even Tissaphernes, though he had not scrupled to conclude a separate truce, had not paid the enemy a subsidy for invading another part of his mas-haps be inferred, from the notoriety of the transter's dominions.

On his march towards the territories of Pharnabazus, Agesilaus received a flattering testimony of the approbation with which his proceedings were viewed at Sparta, and of the disposition which prevailed there to support him in the prosecution of the war. By a deDiodorus, xiv., 80. Polyænus, vii., 16, 1. According to Xenophon (see above, p. 539), he had provoked her resentiment by a wanton insult.

+ Diodorus, u. s., συνέλαβε Τισσαφέρνην διά τινος Λαρισπαίου σατρατου λουόμενον. Polyaenus, vii., 16, 1, calls hum Anzus, but the words of Diodorus seem hardly to admit of Palmer's correction, Apuriov for Aopiccaiou, and perhaps do require any, unless this is the Anzus of the Anabasis and the Hellenics, v., 1, 27.

VOL I4 B

names of the persons who received the money.
professes an equal degree of certainty as to the
It was in Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, that
At Thebes he purchased the services
Timocrates is said to have executed his com-
mission.
of Androclidas, Ismenias, and Galaxidorus; at
Corinth, those of Timolaus and Polyanthes; at
we suppose Xenophon to have placed too much
Argos, those of Cyclon and his friends. Unless
reliance on a mere party rumour, it may per-

action, that the persons he mentions made no
We may at
secret of their share in it, and considered the
Persian gold as a subsidy granted for the sup-
port of a just and patriotic cause.
least venture to believe that, though it may
have roused them to greater activity, it pro-
duced no change in their political sentiments;
events which would not have occurred nearly
and we even doubt whether it gave rise to any
as soon without it. It was, indeed, natural
enough for Agesilaus and his friends to attribute
the disappointment of his hopes to the venality
of their adversaries; but Xenophon himself ob-

* P. 301.

serves that the Athenians, though they did not receive any share of the gold, were eager for war in the hope of recovering their independence. And it is clear, from his own narrative, that similar feelings of jealousy or resentment towards Sparta already prevailed at Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, and were only waiting for an opportunity of displaying themselves in open hostility, but needed no corrupt influence to excite them.

They had shown themselves the real friends of both the Athenian parties; while the Spartans had as little claim to the gratitude of that which they had abandoned to its magnanimous adversaries as to the good-will of that which they had helped to oppress. But it was chiefly to the hopes and fears of his hearers that the speaker addressed himself. The Athenians desired to recover their pre-eminence in Greece, and their readiest way to that end was to declare themselves the protectors of all who suf fered under Spartan tyranny. If they were inonly to reflect by what means their own had been overthrown. Sparta likewise now ruled over unwilling subjects and offended allies, who only wanted a leader to encourage them to revolt from her. Indeed, she had not one sincere friend left. Argos had always been hostile; Elis had just been deeply wronged. Corinth, Arcadia, and Achaia saw the services which they had rendered in the war requited with insolent ingratitude, and were subject to the control of harmosts, who were not even citizens of Sparta, but Helots; bondmen at home, masters abroad. The cities once subject to Athens. which had been tempted to revolt by the pros

their hopes, and groaned under the double yoke of a foreign governor and a domestic oligarchy. The Persian king, to whom Sparta mainly owed her victory, she had immediately afterward treated as an enemy. Athens might now place herself at the head of a confederacy much more powerful than the empire which she had lost. and the Spartan dominion would be more easily overthrown than the Athenian had been, in proportion as the allies of Sparta were stronger than the subjects of Athens.

The anti-Laconian party at Thebes- the same, no doubt, which had sheltered the Athenian exiles, and had contrived the affront offer-clined to dread the enemy's power, they had ed to Agesilaus at Aulis, and which had, therefore, reason to dread his resentment if he should ever return to Europe as the conqueror of Asia -set the first springs of hostility in motion. The disposition to war they found already existing; a pretext only was wanting, and this they easily devised. Means were found to induce the Locrians of Opus to make an inroad upon a tract of land which had been long the subject of contention between them and their neighbours the Phocians. The Phocians retaliated by the invasion of the Opuntian Locris, and the Thebans were soon persuaded to take part with the Locrians, and invade Phocis. The Phocians, as was foreseen, applied for suc-pect of liberty, found themselves cheated of cour to Sparta, where, as Xenophon admits, there was the utmost readiness to lay hold on any pretence for a war with Thebes; and the present season of prosperity seemed to the Spartan government the most favourable for humbling a power which had given so many proofs of ill-will towards it. War, therefore, was decreed, and Lysander was sent into Phocis with instructions to collect all the forces he could raise there, and among the tribes seated about Mount Eta, and to march with them to Haliartus, in Boeotia, where Pausanias, with These arguments found a willing audience: the Peloponnesian troops, was to join him on they were seconded by many voices, and the an appointed day. Lysander discharged his assembly was unanimous in favour of the allcommission with his usual activity, and, be- ance with Thebes. Thrasybulus, who moved sides, succeeded in inducing Orchomenus, which the decree, reminded the Thebans that Athens was subject to Thebes, to assert its independ- was about to repay the obligation which they ence. Pausanias, having crossed the Laconian had laid on her when they refused to concur in border, waited at Tegea for the contingents riveting her chains, by active exertions, and which he had demanded from the allies. They at a great risk; for she would have to face the seem to have come in slowly, and Corinth re-enmity of Sparta, while Piræus remained still fused to take any part in the expedition. The unfortified. Both states prepared for war. Thebans, seeing themselves threatened with Pausanias found an account that the Athenians invasion, sent an embassy to prevail on the sent envoys to Sparta, with a request that she Athenians to make common cause with them would abstain from hostilities against Thebes, against Sparta. There were many feelings and would submit their differences to arbitrato be overcome at Athens before this resolution; he adds that the embassy was indignanttion could be adopted: recollections of a long ly dismissed.* It can scarcely have been sent hereditary grudge, of the animosity display with any other view than to gain time. ed by Thebes during the last war, and especial- Lysander, having collected all the forces he ly at its close; the sense of weakness, and the could raise in the north, marched to Haliartus; dread of provoking a power by which Ath-but he found that Pausanias had not yet arrived ens had so lately been brought to the brink of there. It was not in his character to rema destruction. The Theban orator thought it ne-anywhere inactive, and he was desirous of me cessary, in the name of his countrymen, to dis-king himself master of the town. He first tried avow the vote which Erianthes had given in negotiation to engage it to revolt; but there the congress, which decided the fate of the were some Theban and Athenian troops in the Athenians, as the unauthorized proposition of a place, whose presence overawed the dissaffectprivate individual. On the other hand, he urged ed, and he then resolved to venture on an asthe important service which the Thebans had sault. In the mean while his movements were more recently rendered to Athens in her great-known at Thebes, according to Plutarch, by est need, and by which they had incurred the resentment of Sparta, and were now driven to seek protection from Athenian generosity.

means of an intercepted letter, which he had addressed to Pausanias, who was at this time

* iii., 9, 11.

tus.

were felt by the troops as a degradation, such as a Lacedæmonian army had never before experienced. The general dejection and ill-humour which prevailed in the retreat were heightened by the insulting demeanour of the Thebans, who accompanied them on their march through Boeotia, and drove back all who deviated in the least from the line, with blows, into the road.

The conduct of Pausanias appears to have been, in the whole of this affair, perfectly blameless. He had failed, indeed, to reach Haliartus by the preconcerted day, but he arrived the day after; and when it is considered that he had to collect his army from many quarters, and that the allies were generally averse to the expedition, he may seem rather to have deserved praise for bringing it up so nearly within the appointed time. The disastrous issue could only be attributed to Lysander's imprudence; and the decision of the council of war with regard to the recovery of the slain, even if it was not clearly required by the circumstances of the case, could not reasonably be imputed as a crime to Pausanias. Yet, on his return to Sparta, he was capitally impeached; and the nature of the charges brought against him showed that he could not expect a fair trial, but was foredoomed to be sacrificed to public prejudice or to private passion, for the accusation embraced not merely his conduct in his last expedition, but the indulgence which he had granted to the Athenian refugees in Piræus, though his meas

at Platæa. Plutarch also relates that an Athenian army had already reached Thebes, and that it was intrusted by the Thebans with the guard of the city, while they marched to Haliartus, where they arrived before Lysander, introduced a small detachment into the town, and encamped the rest without. But Xenophon represents the Theban forces as arriving after Lysander, though he owns that he could not ascertain whether they fell upon him by surprise, or he was aware of their approach it was only certain that a battle took place close to the walls, in which Lysander was slain. It seems clear, however, from a comparison of all accounts, that he was intercepted between the main body of the Thebans and the garrison, which made a sally; and he was known to have fallen by the hand of a citizen of HaliarHis troops were put to flight, and betook themselves to the hills-a branch of the range of Helicon-which rose at no great distance behind the town. The conquerors pursued with great vigour, and incautiously pressed forward up the rising ground until the difficulties of the ground brought them to a stand, and the fugitives, perceiving their perplexity, turned upon them, assailed them with a shower of missiles, rolled down masses of rock on their heads, and finally drove them, in disorder, with the loss of more than 200 men, into the plain. The dejection caused by this disaster was relieved the next day by the discovery that the remains of Lysander's army had dispersed during the night. But the exultation of the The-ures on that occasion seem to have been viewbans at this fruit of their victory was damped in the course of a few hours by the appearance of Pausanias, who had received the news of the battle on the road from Platea to Thespiæ, and had hastened his march to Haliartus. Yet, according to Diodorus, he brought with him no more than 6000 men; but so small a force could scarcely have produced the alarm described by Xenophon, who, with a slight touch of humour, exhibits the Theban camp as fluctuating between the extremes of presumption and despondency; for, the next day, their spirits were again raised by the arrival of Thrasybulus and an Athenian army, and their confidence was heightened when they perceived that Pausanias showed no disposition to seek an engagement. His situation was extremely embarrassing. According to Greek usage, it was absolutely necessary for him to recover the bodies of the slain, who are said to have amounted to a thousand, either by force or by consent of the victors. The greater part lay so near to the town walls, that the attempt to carry them away by force would be one of great difficulty and danger, even if he should gain a victory; and the enemy was so strong in cavalry, that the event of a battle would be very uncertain, especially as his own troops had engaged in the expedition with reluctance. He therefore held a council of war; and, after mature deliberation, the majority came to the decision-if, indeed, it was not unanimous-to apply for permission to carry away the dead. The Thebans, however, were not satisfied with this confession of their superiority, and refused to grant a truce, except on condition that the invaders should withdraw from Boeotia. These terms were gladly accepted by Pausanias and his council, though they

ed with general approbation at the time, and had only been proved to be impolitic by the event. But, under the irritation produced by the recent shame and disappointment, the Spartan senate was no more capable of listening to reason and justice than the Athenian assembly on some similar occasions; and it is probable that Lysander's friends did the utmost to inflame the public feelings against his old adversary. Pausanias did not appear at the trial; he was condemned to death, and was obliged to seek shelter in the venerated sanctuary of Athena Alea at Tegea, where he ended his days. His son Agesipolis succeeded to the throne.

Lysander left his family in a state of poverty, which proved that his ambition was quite pure from all sordid ingredients. But, if we may believe a story which became current after his death, and is related upon such authority that we can scarcely suppose it to have been without foundation, he was not satisfied either with fame or with the substance of power. He is said to have conceived the project of levelling the privileges of the two royal houses, and of making the kingly office elective and open to all Spartans, no doubt with the hope of obtaining it for himself. But the plan which he is said to have devised to compass this end, notwithstanding the superstition of his countrymen, which it was meant to work upon, sounds so marvellous that we do not venture to give it a place here, but only to mention its leading features in a note.* It is only a little less strange that he should have employed the pen of an Asiatic rhetorician-one Cleon of Halicarnassus-to compose an oration, which he once See the Appendix.

The

under the charge of a Spartan officer, to the do-
minions of her intended consort; and Agesilaus
returned to take up his winter quarters in the
territories of Pharnabazus, and in the satrap's
own residence of Dascylium. Here were parks,
chases, and forests abounding in game of every
kind, and round about were many large villages
plentifully stocked with provisions for the ordi-
nary supply of the princely household.
domain was skirted by the windings of a river,
full of various kinds of fish. Here, therefore,
the Greek army passed the winter in ease and
plenty, making excursions, as occasion invited,
into the surrounding country far and wide, while
Pharnabazus was forced to range over it as a
houseless fugitive, carrying with him his fami-
ly and his treasures, for which he could find no
place of permanent shelter, and, even in this
Scythian mode of life, never free from appre-

meant to deliver, in recommendation of the | nian mountains, the young lady was sent by sea,
measure, as if it was one that could ever have
been carried by force of argument. Agesilaus,
it is said, having occasion to search Lysander's
house, after his death, for some public docu-
ment, lighted upon Cleon's harangue, and was
about to publish it, till he was persuaded by a
more discreet friend to suppress so dangerous
a piece. This only makes the story the more
suspicious. Yet the main fact accords well
enough with the enterprising and intriguing
character of Lysander; and his quarrel with
Pausanias and Agesilaus may be thought to
have suggested such a mode of revenge. We
might, indeed, have been disposed to consider
this plan as the beginning of a series of liberal
measures for a reformation, which Cinadon's
plot proved to be so urgently needed, if the
manner in which he regulated the government
of other states did not render it doubtful wheth-
er he was capable of such enlarged and enlight-hensions for his personal safety. Sometimes,
ened patriotism.

CHAPTER XXXVI

FROM THE DEATH OF LYSANDER TO THE PEACE OF
ANTALCIDAS.

WHILE these movements were taking place in Greece, Agesilaus was carrying on the war in Asia with an activity and success which might well have alarmed the Persian court, and proved the wisdom of the precautions adopted by Tithraustes. On his march into the province of Pharnabazus, he was accompanied by Spithridates, who urged him to advance into Paphlagonia, and undertook to make Cotys, the king of that country, his ally. Cotys, who is elsewhere named Corylas,* was one of those powerful hereditary vassals of the Persian king whose subjection had become merely nominal, and he had lately renounced even the appearance of submission. Artaxerxes, imprudently or insidiously, had put his obedience to the test by summoning or inviting him to court; but the Paphlagonian prince was too wary, and knew the character of the Persian government too well, to trust himself in its power, and he had openly refused to obey the royal command. It would add nothing to his offence, though something to his security, to treat with the enemies of Artaxerxes. Nothing could be more agreeable to Agesilaus than the opportunity of gaining so powerful an ally; he gladly accepted the mediation of Spithridates, who not only fulfilled his promise, and engaged Cotys to come to the Greek camp, and conclude an alliance with Sparta in person, but prevailed on him, before his departure, to leave a re-enforcement of 1000 cavalry and 2000 targeteers with the army of Agesilaus.

To reward Spithridates for this important service in a manner which would strengthen the Greek interest in Asia, Agesilaus, with great address, negotiated a match between Cotys and the daughter of Spithridates, so as to lead each party to consider himself as under obligations to the other, and both to look on him as their benefactor. As the season was too far advanced for a journey by land across the PaphlagoIn the Anabasis, vii., 8, 25.

however, he hovered in the neighbourhood of the Greeks, and once surprised them in one of their marauding excursions; and though he had with him only two scythe-chariots, and about 400 cavalry, he dispersed a body of 700 Greek horse with his chariots, and drove them, with the loss of 100 men, to seek shelter from their heavy infantry. A few days after this skirmish, Spithridates learned that the satrap was cocamped in the village of Cava, about twenty miles off, and communicated the discovery to Herippidas. Herippidas, who loved a brilliant enterprise, was immediately fired with the hope of making himself master of the satrap's camp and person, and requested Agesilaus to grant him, for this purpose, 2000 heavy infantry, as many targeteers, the Paphlagonian cavalry, and those of Spithridates, and as many of the Greek horse as might be willing to take part in the adventure. He obtained all he asked; but at night, at the hour of departure, he found that not half of his volunteers appeared at the appointed place. Nevertheless, fearing the raillery of his colleagues if he should desist, he persevered in his undertaking, and after marching all night, arrived at daybreak at the encampment of Pharnabazus. He overpowered a body of Mysians at the outpost; but their resistance afforded time for the escape of Pharnabazus and his family, who, however, left the camp, with a great treasure of drinking vessels and costly furniture, in the possession of the assailants. But Herippidas, being anxious, for the sake of his own honour, to deliver the whole booty into the hands of the officers who in the Spartan army answered to the Roman quæstors, took precautions to exclude his allies from all share in it; and he thus deprived the Spartan arms of an advantage much more important than the value of the spoil. For Spithridates and the Paphlagonians, indignant at this treatment, deserted the camp the next night, and repairing to Sardis, entered the service of Ariæus, who had again revolted, and was at war with the king: Agesilaus was more deeply affected by this loss than by any mischance that he met with in the course of his expedition; and he seems to have regretted it still more on private than on public grounds.

Not long after, a prospect seemed to be open

* Δαφυροπώλαι.

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