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recovered the booty, and killed nearly 200 Greeks who had been left to guard it. The Odrysians, after this disaster, encamped with their allies.

nabazus. Meidias now sent presents to the satrap, and applied for the government which his crimes had made vacant. But Pharnabazus returned his presents with a threatening message "to keep them till he should come, and take In the spring of 399 Dercyllidas quitted Bithe gifts with the giver; he would rather die thynia and marched southward. At Lampsathan leave the murder of Mania unavenged." cus he was joined by three Spartan commisSuch was the state of affairs when Dercylli-'sioners, Aracus, Navates, and Antisthenes, who das arrived. After having received the submission of the three maritime towns which Mania had conquered, he sent to invite those of Eolis to assert their independence, and to enter into alliance with Sparta. His proposals were immediately accepted by three of them, where the garrisons, after Mania's death, had committed some disorders. Cebren, a strong place, held out four days, during which Dercyllidas professed to be seeking favourable auspices; but the garrison was discontented, and forced its commander to surrender before any attack had been made. He then marched against Scepsis. Meidias, threatened by Pharnabazus, and conscious that he was hated by the Scepsians, thought it safest to come to terms with Dercyllidas, and offered to repair in person to the Spartan camp on receiving hostages for his security. Dercyllidas gave him as many as he would; but, when he had him in his power, informed him that he must resign his authority at Scepsis, and Meidias, seeing himself helpless, permitted him to enter the town, turn out the garrison, and proclaim liberty and independence. Meidias begged that he might be allowed to keep Gergis, but he received an evasive answer, and was forced to order his garrison to throw open its gates to the army of Dercyllidas. The Spartan general incorporated the guards of Meidias-as no longer needed for his safety—with his own troops, and then took possession of all the property of Mania, and cheered his men by announcing that it would provide them with regular pay for nearly a year to come. The wretched man, whom he still affected to treat as a guest and a friend, seeing himself stripped of all the fruits of his villany, asked where he was to live. "Where," was the reply, "but in your native town, Scepsis, on your patrimony?" To the fallen tyrant, the unprotected assassin, it was a prospect of misery, shame, and death.

were sent to inspect the state of affairs in Asia, and who announced to him that his command was to be prolonged for another year. While they conferred this mark of approbation on himself, they were charged to communicate to his men the satisfaction which the ephors felt at the amendment which had taken place in their con duct, and to express a hope that they would persevere in their good behaviour. When these general orders were orally delivered before the assembled army, the commander of the Cyrean troops-probably Xenophon himself—took the opportunity to observe that the praise and the blame rested, not with the soldiers, but with the generals who had been set over them. Dercyllidas escorted the commissioners as far as Ephesus, and then left them to continue their progress through the Greek cities, which, after having been afflicted with the worst evils of tyranny and faction through Lysander's ambitious policy, had begun to recover their tranquillity and prosperity under a better system. Lysander's creatures had exercised their power in many places perhaps not less oppressively than the Thirty at Athens, and it seems that the revolution which took place there under Spartan sanction had encouraged the Asiatic Greeks to overthrow their decarchies. Much confusion and bloodshed might have ensued; but the ephors, among whom the influence of Pausanias was for the time predominant, wisely interfered, and directed or consented to the restoration of the ancient form of government. While the commissioners were engaged in observing the beneficial effects of these changes, Dercyllidas was occupied with an undertaking which had been accidentally suggested to him by their conversation. They had informed him that they had left envoys from the Greeks of the Thracian Chersonesus at Sparta, who came to apply for protection from their barbarian neighbours, which, it was thought, might be most effectual

*

mus; and it was expected that the Spartan government would be induced to send an officer with a body of troops to conduct this work. On this hint Dercyllidas formed his resolution, which, however, he kept to himself. He renewed the truce with Pharnabazus, and then crossed the Hellespont with his army, and

Dercyllidas having thus, within eight days,ly provided for by a wall carried across the Isthmade himself master of a great part of Eolis, and laid in an ample provision for the maintenance of his troops, was only anxious to preserve his conquests without burdening his allies, by remaining among them during the ensuing winter. He therefore proposed a truce to Pharnabazus, whose superiority in cavalry would have enabled him to give great annoy-marched to the court of Seuthes, where he was ance to the revolted Greeks in the absence of the Spartan army; and the satrap, who had no less reason to apprehend hostile incursions from Eolis into the heart of his territories, willingly accepted the offer. Dercyllidas now marched into the country of the Bithynian Thracians, who were nominally subject to Pharnabazus, but were, in fact, independent and hostile, and during the winter subsisted and enriched his troops and a body of Odrysians who joined him there, with the plunder of their villages, though not with perfect impunity; for on one occasion the Bithynians surprised the Odrysian camp, VOL. 1-4 A

hospitably received. The object of this visit was perhaps connected, though we do not know precisely in what manner, with his subsequent operations. Having come to the Isthmus, and inspected and measured the ground, which is a little more than four miles in breadth, he distrib

The supposition that this change was made after the Spartan commissioners had witnessed the tranquil and erous condition of these cities, is one which was perhaps natural enough for a determined apologist of Lysander, but is in itself so violently improbable, that the awkby their own weight. Compare Xenophon, Hell., iii., 4, 2, ward fictions devised to support it may safely be left to fall and Plut., Lys., 21.

The

uted the line of fortification in portions among an engagement with troops, whom he believed his men, and quickened their activity and emula- to be all invincible, like the Cyreans, and sent tion with a promise of rewards. Thus speeded, a message to Dercyllidas, to propose a conferthe wall, which was begun in the spring, was ence. The wily Spartan gave audience to the finished before autumn. It is possible, howev-envoys in front of a body of picked men, affect. er, that he found parts of a wall which had been ed to receive their proposals with indifference, built by Pericles for the same purpose, still and demanded an exchange of pledges. When standing, and had only to restore it upon the old they were given, the two armies separated, the foundation. The work, when completed, ena- barbarians to take up their quarters at Tralles, bled a comparatively small garrison to protect the Greeks at Leucophrys, a famed sanctuary the whole Chersonesus, which included eleven of Artemis, in the vale of the Mæander. towns, several fine harbours, and a large tract next day the chiefs met, and a negotiation was of highly fruitful country, from the inroads of opened. But Dercyllidas demanded independthe ferocious Thracians of the interior.* Der-ence for the Asiatic Greeks, Tissaphernes that cyllidas then returned to Asia, and was detained eight months by the siege of Atarneus, a strong fortress which was held by a body of exiles from Chios, who from this point carried on an incessant predatory warfare against Ionia. Having at length overcome their obstinate resistance, he put a garrison into the place, under the command of Draco, an Achæan, of Pellene, and provided it with magazines, for his future sojourn, or for a refuge which might be needed in a less prosperous state of affairs, and then returned to Ephesus.

the Lacedæmonians should withdraw their army from the king's territories, and their harmosts from the towns. Neither had power to accede to the other's terms; but it was agreed to con clude an armistice, until answers should be brought from Sparta and from the Persian court.

The year 399, in which Dercyllidas took the command in Asia, was the last of a war in which Sparta was engaged during three years at home. While the fate of Asia was suspended on the event of the expedition of Cyrus, the Spartans had determined to revenge themselves for the Tissaphernes had hitherto remained unmo- affronts which they had suffered from Elis duJested; but it would seem that he had not ab- ring the struggle with Athens, and at the same stained from enforcing his demands on the time to apply their leading maxim of dividing Greek cities, and they again sent envoys to and weakening the Peloponnesian states. AcSparta for relief. They represented that he cording to Diodorus, they demanded a contribemight be brought to acknowledge their inde- tion from the Eleans to the expenses of the Pel pendence, if he found himself attacked in Caria, oponnesian war. But Xenophon represents where his private possessions lay, and the eph- them as coming at once to the point, and reors gave orders that Dercyllidas should invade quiring Elis to acknowledge the independence Caria by land, while their admiral Pharax acted of her subject towns. The demand was rejectin concert with him on the coast. The two ofed, with the observation that Elis claimed the ficers appear to have executed these orders with towns by the right of conquest; and Agis was great alertness, and the Spartan army had cross-immediately ordered to invade the Elean terried the Maander, while Tissaphernes was on tory. But an earthquake, which was felt soon the other side in conference with Pharnabazus, after he had crossed the border, induced him to who had come to obtain his assistance for the withdraw and disband his forces. The incident purpose of expelling the invaders from the king's and the respite encouraged the Eleans to try dominions. Tissaphernes required his colleague if they could rouse some of their neighbours, first to accompany him into Caria and provide whom they knew to be ill affected towards for the security of the province; and when they Sparta, into active hostility; but the Spartan had placed sufficient garrisons in the Carian power seems to have been too generally dreadstrongholds, they resolved to carry hostilities ed to afford any reasonable prospect of forming into lonia. Dercyllidas was now apprehensive a coalition against it. In the following year for the safety of their Ionian allies, and propo- Agis again put himself at the head of an army, sed to Pharax to repass the Mæander. The to which all the allies of Sparta, except the enemy was supposed to be far in advance; but Boeotians and Corinthians, furnished their conthe Greek army, as it marched along the vale of tingents: Athens, among the rest, obeyed the the Mæander, one day found itself unexpectedly call of the ruling state. This time he first diin presence of the united forces of the satraps, rected his march to Triphylia, and he had no which consisted of Carians, Greek mercenaries sooner crossed the Messenian borders than -for both satraps had some in their pay-and three of the Triphylian towns, Lepreum, Maa numerous cavalry. Dercyllidas, though taken cistus, and Epitalium, revolted from Elis, and by surprise, soon put his European troops in or- on the other side of the Alpheus he received der of battle; but the Asiatic Greeks were so the submission of three of the towns of Pisatis. much alarmed by the evident superiority of the He then proceeded to Olympia, where on a forenemy's numbers, that many of them immedi-mer occasion he had been prevented by the ately dropped their arms in the standing corn Eleans from celebrating a sacrifice which some and took to flight, and the rest clearly betrayed oracle had enjoined, on the pretence that praythe same purpose. Pharnabazus was desirousers could not be duly offered there for victory in of giving battle; but Tissaphernes shrank from a war between Greeks. He now performed the rite without interruption, and afterward adXenophon's language, Hell., ., 2, 11, very clearly im-vanced towards the enemy's capital, ravaging plies that the wall was completed before Dercyllidas returned to Asia; and we do not perceive the necessity of supposing with Mr. Clinton, F. H., ti., p. 92, that he began the siege of Atarneus while the rampart was building. If the siege began in the autumn, it seems to allow time for his subsequent operations.

the fertile country through which he passed,
and carrying away vast herds of cattle-still,
in ancient times, the principal wealth of the
Eleans and a multitude of slaves. The scent

SUBMISSION OF ELIS.-ACCESSION OF AGESILAUS.

555

of this rich booty attracted a number of volun- | were not even allowed to retain Epeum, though teers from Arcadia and Achaia to his standard; they pleaded that it had come into their posand the campaign, Xenophon remarks, spread session by a fair purchase: the Spartans alabundance over the rest of Peloponnesus. Agis leged that they had dictated the terms of the continued his devastations as far as the out- bargain to the weaker party. The presidency skirts of the capital, which were adorned with of the temple at Olympia and of the games was many fine buildings, and these he did not spare. not taken from them, only because the rustic But he abstained from attacking the city, though population of Pisatis, on which it would by right it was believed that, being unfortified, it could have devolved, was deemed incapable of so aunot have opposed an effectual resistance. He gust and important a charge. Elis, thus shorn probably calculated on an easier conquest, with of her power, was admitted among the dependthe aid of one of the factions between which ant allies of Sparta. Elis was at this time divided, and therefore turned away again, and prosecuted his ravages along the plain as far as the coast.

Not long after the war with Elis was brought to a close, Agis, as he was returning from Delphi, where he had been consecrating a tenth of

In the mean while the oligarchical party, head-the spoil, fell sick at Heræa in Arcadia, but was ed by Xenias, a man celebrated for his extraordinary wealth, and attached to Agis and to Sparta by ties of private and public hospitality, made a vigorous effort to overpower their adversaries, and to reduce their country under subjection to Sparta. They rushed out armed into the streets, and began to massacre all of the opposite side who fell in their way; and having killed a person whom they mistook for the democratical leader Thrasydæus, they thought their triumph secure. The report spread, and, while it struck his partisans with consternation, swelled the numbers of the insurgents. But the truth was soon discovered, and Thrasydæus, who had been overtaken by sleep after a banquet, putting himself at the head of the commonalty, gained a complete victory over their opponents, who were forced to take refuge in the enemy's camp. Agis, how ever, did not think proper to make any attempt upon the city, but retreated across the Alpheus with his booty, and having left a garrison under Lysippus, a Spartan harmost, with the Elean refugees, in Epitalium, which lay near the river, disbanded his forces and returned home. During the remainder of the year the Elean territory was exposed to incessant inroads from the garrison of Epitalium, which were found so distressing, that in the next summer Thrasydæus was fain to sue for peace. He obtained it only on condition that the Eleans should demolish some fortifications, which seem to have been built for the defence of the city after the last invasion, and should renounce their sovereignty over almost all their subject towns. They

According to Diodorus, xix., 17, who names Pausanias as the commander in this campaign, the suburbs were guarded by a body of Etolians, who drove back the invading army, but this is clearly at variance with Xenophon's

narrative, no less than the statement that Pausanias, after having fortified some posts in the Elean territory, wintered with his army at Dyme in Achaia.

† Xen., Hell, m., 2, 30, to reixos repiektiv. Yet the city is said to have been the year before artixaros, which has therefore been interpreted to mean all fortified. On the other hand, Schneider supposes that reixos ought to be written as a proper name, and that it means the castle called To Teixos, which stood near Araxus, on the Achæan side of the border. But this place appears from Polybius, IV., 53, to have belonged from time immemorial to the Acheans, and if the Eleans had wrested it from them, they would probably have been compelled, not to destroy, but to restore it. Pausanias, iii., 8, 5, likewise mentions the demolition of the city wall as one of the conditions of peace.

: Pausanias, i, 8, 5, makes no exception μήτε τῶν περιοίκων ἔτι ἄρχειν. This would indeed be very wide of the truth, if they retained all their subject towns except thos mentioned by Xenophon, in., 2, 30, who says that they Pave up Cyllene and the Triphylian cities Phrixa, Epita1 im, Letrios, Amphidoli, and Margana, and, moreover, Acrura and Lasion, and even Epeum. But it seems clear

carried to Sparta, and died there in the course of a few days. When the solemn mourning was ended, a question arose as to the succession. The throne was claimed, according to the law of descent, by Leotychides, who had hitherto passed for the only son of the deceased king. But Agis, at the birth of the prince, had publicly declared that he did not believe him to be his child; and though he owned him on his deathbed, this tardy recognition did not stifle the suspicion before excited, as well by his own language as by the prevailing report of his queen's infidelity. The title of Leotychides was now disputed on this ground by Agesilaus, the younger son of Archidamus, and half brother of Agis, who was next in succession to the throne. He had already shown indications of the great qualities which he afterward displayed; had passed through all the steps of the Spartan training with exemplary propriety, and had won the general favour of his fellow-citizens. Perhaps the prospect of the elevation to which he aspired had urged him the more assiduously to cultivate their good-will, on which he was conscious his success would mainly depend. But he had been especially fortunate in contracting an early intimacy with Lysander, who warily espoused his cause. Evidence was offered which confirmed the first declaration of Agis as to Leotychides, whose partisans seem to have been reduced to the necessity of seeking for some flaw in his competitor's better title. The aid of religion was called in for this purpose; and Diopeithes, a man of eminent learning in the science of divination, cited an oracle which warned Sparta against a halting royalty. This he applied to Agesilaus, who was lame in one foot. But Lysander ingeniously turned it against Leotychides, remarking, that the defect which they were cautioned against lay not in the person, but in the blood of their kings, who must be all genuine descendants of Hercules. This reasoning or authority prevailed, and Agesilaus was raised to the throne.

A year had not elapsed from his accession, when a conspiracy was detected at Sparta, which brought the state to the verge of a bloody revolution; and though crushed in the shell, gave an alarming indication of the unsoundness

that there is some mistake about this enumeration. It is impossible to suppose that they were allowed to retain Lepreum and Macistus; and, as Mueller observes (Orchom., p. 362), the three towns north of the Alpheus were not commonly considered as belonging to Triphylia, nor was Epitalium usually numbered among the Triphylian towns. Perhaps Phrixa was sometimes omitted, and a kai has dropped out before its name in Xenophon's list.

a

of the whole political system. origin, we must take a view of some changes which had crept into the Spartan Constitution In proportion as the numbers of the ancient after the conquest of Messenia. We have al- freemen decreased, the dignity and advantages ready seen reason to believe that one effect of of their position were augmented, and they the long and perilous struggle with Messenia were consequently more and more unwilling to was a communication of a limited franchise to share them with others. They had cause to numerous body of new citizens; and we fear, not only the loss of their power and powere disposed to conjecture that this event was litical privileges, but also the introduction of closely connected with the great enlargement an agrarian law to restore the equality of propof the authority of the ephors, which appears erty which Lycurgus was believed to have esto have taken place in the same period. They tablished. On the other hand, the inferior citi rose, as we conceived, to a new stage of pow-zens, without any view to these objects, when er, chiefly as representatives of the whole com- they considered their numbers, and the ment inonalty, which included both the new and the and services of many among them, could not be old citizens. But before the epoch at which satisfied with a condition which, in such a comwe have now arrived, both the internal condi-munity as Sparta, where honour was accounted tion of the commonalty and the position of the the highest good, exposed them to continual ephors with regard to it underwent several im- humiliation. This feeling was, perhaps, rather portant changes. It is possible that the dis- irritated than soothed by the high employments tinction between the two classes of citizens, to which those whose talents and character fitwhich, as appears from the legends concerning ted them for such promotion were frequently the founding of Tarentum, and from other evi- advanced. The distinction itself was galling. dence, excited much discontent at the time it even where it involved no injurious consequen was introduced, may have been removed in a ces; and it was the more keenly felt the more subsequent generation. But other causes af- clearly it was seen not to correspond to any terward produced similar effects. The earth real difference in worth or desert. quake, which gave occasion to the third Messenian war, appears to have inflicted a wound on the population of Sparta from which it never recovered. Its numbers were continually reduced by the struggles of the ensuing period; and the deep impression made at Sparta by the events of Sphacteria proves how much the value of a Spartan life had then risen. It was not, however, by war only that this part of the population had been thinned. During the same period the growing inequality of private fortunes was contributing to the same effect. The highest political privileges belonged only to those citizens whose means permitted them to associate at the public tables. All who were unable to defray this expense were, it seems, by the very fact, and without any fault but their indigence, degraded into a lower class, from the rank of peers to that of inferiors or commoners. But while some sank into this lower sphere through a blameless poverty, others rose into it from an humbler station by their merits. The services of the Helots and the provincials were frequently rewarded with emancipation and a share of the franchise, so qualified as to keep them below the ancient citizens, and, it would appear, still separate from one another, as they were distinguished by peculiar titles. Another addition to this inferior body was made through marriages contracted by Spartan freemen with women of inferior condition. Gylippus, Callicratidas, and Lysander were probably among the offspring of such marriages, and notwithstanding the high military stations which they filled, were never accounted equal in civil rank to their fathers. They were, perhaps, originally, in legal estimation, on a level with the favoured Helot children, who were often reared in their master's family, together with his sons, under the appellation of Mothones or Mothaces; and they are therefore

To explain its described in loose language as belonging to that class.

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Under these circumstances, it becomes interesting to inquire by what means the higher class, notwithstanding its inferiority in physical force, and the universal discontent which prevailed among its subjects, still maintained its ground. Some weight must undoubtedly be attributed to the general reverence for the ancient institutions, which continued to guard them, even after they had degenerated, and no longer answered the end for which they were designed. But there were safeguards of another kind which, perhaps, contributed still more to secure their stability. The great variety of conditions and interests which distinguished the inferior classes from each other, served as a barrier to prevent their union, and to shelter the higher class from the danger which it would have had to apprehend if they could have been brought to act in concert with each other. Not only were the Helots and the provincials thus disunited, but it is probable there was a like want of unanimity among the lower orders of the freemen themselves. And there may be ground to suspect that it was a leading object of state policy to nourish their mutual jealousy, and that the names and other distinctions by which they were kept apart were contrived for this end. They had no common organ, nor any legitimate opportunities of united action; for the assembly in which they met as one commonalty was so much under the control of the presiding magistrates as to be scarcely a deliberative body. On the other hand, the main strength of the government lay in the all-pervading authority of the ephors, which was nearly absolute; and, whatever might be the dif ference of their views on certain points of foreign and domestic policy, was uniformly exerted to promote the interests of the oligarchy The advantage derived from the unity of purpose, secrecy of deliberation, and rapidity of action, which resulted from such a concentration of power in a few devoted hands, may be easily conceived, and will be illustrated by the history of the conspiracy which we are about to

relate. But it may be useful here to observe, that the more insecure the dominion of the oligarchy became, the more was the control of the ephors needed to guard against revolutionary projects of the kings. The kings had, perhaps, as much reason as any of their subjects to be dissatisfied with the existing state of things. According to the universally-received tradition, they were much more closely connected by blood with the ancient inhabitants of the country than with the Spartans. They were the natural protectors of the whole people, and had no interests in common with the ruling caste. As their authority had been originally abridged by the encroachments of the ephors, so they were subject to the constant superintendence of the rival magistracy, which not only restricted them in the exercise of all the functions of royalty, but interfered with the most private concerns and relations of their domestic life. This dependance was the more galling from its contrast with their nominal greatness, and they could scarcely fail to perceive, that a change which should deprive the ruling body of its exclusive privileges might operate in their favour, release them from many irksome restraints, and enable them to exchange their empty honours for the real dignity of chiefs of the nation. Such a project had been formed by Pausanias:* it might again be conceived, and with fairer prospects of success, by a man of enterprising spirit. This seems to have been the true ground of the jealousy with which the kings were certainly viewed by the peers. But the hereditary rivalry between the two royal families offered one security against their ambition, if directed towards this object; and it was therefore studiously cherished. Another was supplied by the unremitting vigilance of the ephors, kept alert by their zeal for the maintenance and extension of their own authority.

So far all seems sufficiently clear; but there is one interesting point connected with this subject which is involved in great obscurity. The power of the ephors appears, indeed, to have risen to the height at which we find it in the later times at the expense of the royal dignity; but, according to the view we have taken of their elevation, they were considered as representatives of the whole commonalty, and at least quite as much of the lower as of the higher class. Even, however, if that view should be wholly rejected, the account which Aristotle gives of the mode of their election would have prepared us to expect that, instead of being uniformly subservient to the will of the privileged class, they would be found as often acting the part of demagogues, and that they would have been disposed rather to take the lead in a revolution than steadily to uphold the established order of things. Aristotle contrasts the qualifications required for the ephoralty with those required for the senate, and describes the class out of which the ephors were elected in terms which apparently include the whole commonalty, or all who were admissible to the great assembly. He says that they were chosen without any regard to eminent merit, and were often extremely poor, and therefore venal. The difficulty of reconciling these statements with the policy invariably pursued by the ephors, as

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opponents of all innovations tending to encroach on oligarchical privileges, has induced some writers to interpret Aristotle's words in a sense which they seem scarcely to bear; so that they may represent the ephors as elected exclusively from the peers.* But there appear to be two ways in which it may be possible to solve the difficulty without resorting to this expedient. All that we know of the assembly at Sparta is consistent with the supposition that the ruling Spartans possessed a sufficient influence over the elections to secure a majority, at least, in the ephoral college; and so long as this could be done there was a manifest advantage in keeping up the illusion that they were representatives of the commonalty, which, as Aristotle observes,† was kept quiet by the share it had-or seemed to have-in the highest office in the state. But it may also be observed that the attractions of the office itself, which grew with the enlargement of the Spartan power, the plenitude of authority over kings, subjects, and allies which it conferred, would, with ordinary minds, and most of all with persons of the lowest condition, be sufficient pledges for their willingness to maintain its privileges, and, consequently, the whole system on which they depended, unimpaired. To this it may be added that the ephors, in the midst of their high functions, were surrounded by watchful eyes, and by hands which would not have remained long inactive if they had ever been suspected of harbouring designs hostile to the interests of the peers; and they seem, for many purposes, to have been subject to the control of the smaller assembly, which, however it may have been composed, was undoubtedly devoted to those interests with perfect unanimity.

Such seems to have been the internal condition of Sparta at the accession of Agesilaus; and the history of the conspiracy which threatened the Constitution in the first year of his reign, though related by an author deeply prejudiced in favour of the prevailing party, throws a strong light on the state of public feeling among the inferior classes, and on the spirit and resources of the government. The first intimation of the danger, according to Xenophon, was given to Agesilaus himself, as he was engaged in a public sacrifice, by the attendant soothsayer, who professed to read evidence of a most formidable plot in the aspect of the victims. He had, perhaps, received some private information on the subject; and his public warning, by the alarm it occasioned among the conspirators, may have hastened the discovery which followed. Five days after, the whole affair was revealed to the ephors by an accomplice. He charged a young man named Cinadon-a person, Xenophon observes, of high courage, but not one of the peers-as the author of the conspiracy; and, in answer to the questions of the ephors, gave the following account of it: Cinadon, he said, having met him one day in the agora, at an hour when it was thronged with people, drew him aside into a corner, and bade him count the Spartans that were to be seen there. He could observe no more than the official persons who were transacting business there, one of the kings, the senators, ephors, and other magistrates, in all about Wachsmuth, 1., 2, p. 214.

† Pol, ii., 6, 15.

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