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nabazus. Meidias now sent presents to the sa- recovered the booty, and killed nearly 200 trap, and applied for the government which his Greeks who had been left to guard it. The crimes had made vacant. But Pharnabazus re-i Qdrysians, after this disaster, encamped with turned his presents with a threatening message their allies. “to keep them till he should come, and take | In the spring of 399 Dercyllidas quitted Bithe gists with the giver; he would rather die ithynia and marched southward. At Lampsathan leave the murder of Mania unavenged.” cus he was joined by three Spartan commisSuch was the state of affairs when Dercylli-'sioners, Aracus, Navates, and Antisthenes, who das arrived. After having received the sub- were sent to inspect the state of affairs in Asia, mission of the three maritime towns which and who announced to him that his command Mania had conquered, he sent to invite those was to be prolonged for another year. While of AEolis to assert their independence, and to they conferred this mark of approbation on himenter into alliance with Sparta. His proposals self, they were charged to communicate to his

were immediately accepted by three of them, where the garrisons, after Mania's death, had committed some disorders. Cebren, a strong place, held out four days, during which Dercyllidas professed to be seeking favourable auspices; but the garrison was discontented, and

forced its commander to surrender before any

attack had been made. He then marched against Scepsis. Meidias, threatened by Pharnabazus, and conscious that he was hated by the Scepsians, thought it safest to come to terms with Dercyllidas, and offered to repair in

person to the Spartan camp on receiving hosta

ges for his security. Dercyllidas gave him as

Inany as he would; but, when he had him in

his power, informed him that he must resign his authority at Scepsis, and Meidias, seeing himself helpless, permitted him to enter the town, turn out the garrison, and proclaim liberty and independence. Meidias begged that he might be allowed to keep Gergis, but he received an evasive answer, and was forced to order his garrison to throw open its gates to the army of Dercyllidas. The Spartan general incorporated the guards of Meidias—as no longer needed for his safety—with his own troops, and then took possession of all the property of Mania, and cheered his men by announcing that it would provide them with regular pay for nearly a year to come. The wretched man, whom he still affected to treat as a guest and a

friend, seeing himself stripped of all the fruits, of his villany, asked where he was to live.

“Where,” was the reply, “but in your native town, Scepsis, on your patrimony” To the fallen tyrant, the unprotected assassin, it was a prospect of misery, shame, and death. Dercyllidas having thus, within eight days, made himself master of a great part of Æolis, and laid in an ample provision for the maintenance of his troops, was only anxious to preserve his conquests without burdening his allies, by remaining among them during the ensuing winter. He therefore proposed a truce to Pharnabazus, whose superiority in cavalry would have enabled him to give great annoyance to the revolted Greeks in the absence of the Spartan army; and the satrap, who had no less reason to apprehend hostile incursions from .Eolis into the heart of his territories, willingly accepted the offer. Derryllidas now marched into the country of the Bithynian Thracians, who were nominally subject to Pharnabazus, but were, in fact, independent and hostile, and during the winter subsisted and enriched his troops and a body of Odrysians who joined him there, with the plunder of their villages, though not with perfect impunity; for on one occasion the Bithynians surprised the Odrysian camp, Wol. I-4. A

men the satisfaction which the ephors felt at the

amendment which had taken place in their conduct, and to express a hope that they would persevere in their good behaviour. When these general orders were orally delivered before the assembled army, the commander of the Cyrean troops—probably Xenophon himself—took the opportunity to observe that the praise and the blame rested, not with the soldiers, but with the generals who had been set over them. Dercyllidas escorted the commissioners as far as Ephesus, and then left them to continue their progress through the Greek cities, which, after having been afflicted with the worst evils of tyranny and faction through Lysander's ambitious policy, had begun to recover their tranquillity and prosperity under a better system. Lysander's creatures had exercised their power in many places perhaps not less oppressively than the Thirty at Athens, and it seems that the revolution which took place there under Spartan sanction had encouraged the Asiatic Greeks to overthrow their decarchies.” Much confusion and bloodshed might have ensued; but the ephors, among whom the influence of Pausanias was for the time predominant, wisely interfered, and directed or consented to the restoration of the ancient form of government. While the commissioners were engaged in observing the beneficial effects of these changes, Dercyllidas was occupied with an undertaking which had been accidentally suggested to him by their conversation. They had informed him that they had left envoys from the Greeks of the Thracian Chersonesus at Sparta, who came to apply for protection from their barbarian neighbours, which, it was thought, might be most effectually provided for by a wall carried across the Isthmus; and it was expected that the Spartan government would be induced to send an officer with a body of troops to conduct this work. On this hint Dercyllidas formed his resolution,

which, however, he kept to himself. He re| newed the truce with Pharnabazus, and then crossed the Hellespont with his army, and marched to the court of Seuthes, where he was hospitably received. The object of this visit was perhaps connected, though we do not know

precisely in what manner, with his subsequent

operations. Having come to the Isthmus, and

inspected and measured the ground, which is a little more than four miles in breadth, he distrib

* The supposition that this change was made after the Spartan comiussioners had witnessed the tranquil and - so. condition of these cities, is one which was perhaps natural enough for a determiued apologist of Lysander, but is in itself so violently improbable, that the awkward fictions devised to support it may safely be left to fall

by their own weight. Compare Xenophon, Hell., iii., 4, 2, i and Plut., Lys, 21.

security had sent one of his confidential servants along with him. Warned by this occurrence, the generals passed a resolution, that so long as they remained in the enemy's territory they would receive no overtures from him. It was time to break off all intercourse with so insidious a foe: for some of the men had already been seduced by his artifices to desert; and among the rest, Nicarchus, an Arcadian officer," went offin the night with twenty soldiers. The army then set out, and crossed the Zabatus without interruption. The retreat which began from this point was the most memorable and brilliant period in Xenophon's life, and the narrative of it, which he drew up after his return, deserves perhaps to be considered as his greatest literary work. The ability which he displayed in his eommand is the more remarkable, if, as we have reason to believe, it was the first he had ever held, and before this expedition he had had few opportunities of acquiring any military experience. But the qualities which this occasion drew forth were less those of the soldier and the general, than such as had been cultivated by his intercourse with Socrates. The kind of practical philosophy which he had extracted from his master's discourses was now called into constant exercise, and appears in its most advantageous light. To his presence of mind, his courage, patience, firmness, mildness, and evenness of temper, the army was mainly indebted for its safety. In the hour of danger and the place of difficulty he was always foremost, ready to share the hardships and toils of the soldiers, and to cheer them by the example of his never-sailing alacrity. But it is in his own history of the expedition that the proof and illustration of these remarks must be sought. Our object and limits only permit us to follow the outline of his narrative, and to notice a few passages which appear most important, according to the view we have hitherto taken of the subject. They had not advanced far beyond the river when Mithridates again appeared, with about 200 cavalry and 400 bowmen and slingers, and, as soon as he had approached sufficiently near, began to assail them with a shower of missiles. The Greeks now felt, not only their want of cavalry, but the deficiency of their light troops, whose arrows and javelins sell short of the enemy, while they were themselves within his reach. Xenophon was at length induced to charge the assailants with the heavy infantry and the targeteers which he commanded. But he was not able to overtake them, and his troops were both galled by the arrows which the mounted bowmen scattered behind them as they fled, and were still more hotly pressed in their retreat towards the main body. After fighting the whole day the army had advanced little more than three miles, and reached its halting-place tired and dispirited. Xenophon was censured by Cheirisophus and the elder generals for his imprudence in making a hazardous and unavailing charge ; and he did not so much endeavour to vindicate his own conduct, as to urge thé necessity, which had been so clearly manifested

* He must have been a different person from the Arca. dian of the same name, and probably of the same rank, who was wounded the day before. His wounds, according to

by the events of the day, of immediately form. ing a body of cavalry and slingers capable of repelling the enemy's assaults. There were a few horses in the camp, some belonging to him. self, some which had been left of the squadron of Clearchus, and several which had been taken, and were used for carrying the baggage. He had also learned that there were some Rhodians in the army, who were for the most part very expert slingers, understood the use of leaden bullets, and could send their missiles twice as far as the Persians. Before morning a troop of about fifty horse was raised and equipped with cavalry armour, and 200 Rhodians had been induced to offer their services as slingers And when Mithridates again appeared with a larger force—1000 cavalry and 4000 bowmen and slingers—which he had obtained from Tis. saphernes on a promise that he would delives the Greeks into his hands, he was repulsed with considerable loss. The Greeks, knowing the character of the enemy whom they had to deal with, to heighten the dread of their valour by a false show of cruelty, mutilated the slain. Du. ring the rest of the day they pursued their match without molestation, and halted on the banks of the Tigris, near a great decayed city, sur. rounded by impregnable walls, which Xenophon calls Larissa. Near it was a pyramid, on the top of which a number of peasants from the vil. lages in the plain had taken refuge. The new day they came to another great city, similarly fortified, named Mespila, about which, as about Larissa, Xenophon heard a legend, in the style of the Arabian Nights, relating to the times of the Persian conquest; but they saw no enemy The day after Tissaphernes came up with ano merous host, composed of his own cavalry and a detachment of the royal army, the troops of Orontes, and those which the king's brother,” we have already mentioned, had brought to join him. He did not, however, venture to charge the Greeks, but only endeavoured to annoy then rear and flanks with his slingers and bowmen But the Rhodians, and a few Scythian archer. who had probably belonged to the division to Clearchus, were found sufficient to ward of these insults, and for the rest of the day Tiso. phernes kept following the march of the Greeks without doing them any mischief. Several of the long Persian bows, which fell into ther hands, supplied the Cretan archers with werp. ons far superior to their own; and they endeav oured by continual practice to acquire the power of reaching a greater distance." The abundance of provisions which the

found in the villages where they halted induce them to rest there the next day. As they pu: sued their march across the plain, Tissapher nes still hovered on their rear; and thought general he kept at a safe distance, he seems to have found some opportunities of annoyin: them; for the experience of this slay's more taught them that the dispositions which to been adopted on Xenophon's proposal were to convenient in a retreat, when an enemy wo so close behind. Yet Xenophon does not so

Xenophon's description, must have been mortal,

* 'Eutxtray roštěsty Hirvivres of: it seems too to these words that Raleigh alludes when he sass (H+ the World, ii., 10, 8) that Xenophon trained or or shoot compass, who had been accustomed to the Fron, so But this can scarcely have been Xenophon's to ansas i

this passage.

that any other form was substituted for the hollow square in which they had hitherto been moving, but only that six battalions of 100 men each were detached from the main body, and placed under separate officers, to serve as any emergency might arise, to remedy the irregularity which the various accidents of the road produced from time to time in the flanks of the column, and to preserve order in the sording of streams and the crossing of bridges, or any other difficult and dangerous passage. In this way they marched four days, continually threatened, but little harmed, by the enemy's cavalry. On the fifth day they were attracted by the prospect of a palace, the residence of a satrap in the midst of a cluster of villages at the foot of a mountain, from which they were parted by several ranges of lower hills. They at first hoped that the inequalities of the ground would relieve them from the assaults of the cavalry. But when they began to descend from the top of the first ridge which they had to cross, they sound themselves galled more than ever by the shower of missiles which was poured upon them from above, and which compelled their own archers and slingers to take refuge behind the ranks of the heavy infantry. The enemy, indeed, was soon dislodged from his vantage ground by a charge of the heavy-armed. But the troops employed on this service suffered as before, when they descended to rejoin the rest; and the annoyance was repeated in the crossing of the next ridge, so that when they reached the top of the third it was thought advisable to halt, and to send a body of targeteers to occupy the higher ground on the right. Their appearance prevented the enemy's approach, and moving on a line with the main body along the skirts of the mountain, they secured it from all farther annoyance until it reached its halting-place in the villages near the satrap's palace. Here they rested three days, as well on account of the wounded, for whom eight physicians or surgeons were appointed, as to take advantage of the large store of provisions which had been laid up in the villages for the satrap's use. On the fourth, when they descended into the plain, Tissaphernes overtook them, and harassed them so much, that they halted at the first village they saw ; for the number of the wounded was so great that, with the hands which were required to bear them, and to carry the arms of the bearers, it sensibly diminished the disposable force of the army. They were, however, able easily to repel an attack which the enemy made upon them in their quarters, and by a night march left him so far behind, that they did not see him again for three days. This relief they owed chiefly to the distance— never much less than eight miles—at which the Persians encamped, to avoid a surprise in the night, for which, Xenophon observes, a Persian army, consisting mainly of cavalry, was peculiarly unprepared." But on the fourth day they found that Tissaphernes, who had

* The same reason is assigned, nearly in the same terms, in the passage of the Cyropodia referred to in a preceding mate (p. 533, for the practice there mentioned. The horses *r, a barbarian camp, Xenophon observes, being shackled at their mangers, are, in case of attack, to be loosened, bridled, and saddled ; and then the rider has to arm himself, and, when he is mounted, he can move but slowly through the crowd of the ratup,

Vol. I.-Z z z

passed them in the night, had occupied a point of the mountain which commanded the road. He was, however, dislodged from the position by Xenophon, who, with a detachment of the heavy infantry, by dint of great exertions, gained a higher part of the ridge. The Greeks then came down upon a rich plain stretching to the Tigris, studded with villages, in which they found abundant supplies. In the afternoon Tissaphernes, who had taken a different road, suddenly appeared again, and cut off some of their stragglers. And now, for the first time, he began to try another mode of attack, and set fire to some of the villages. It was a confession, Xenophon said, on the part of the enemy, that the land was not his own, but was in their power. But notwithstanding this encouragement, it would seem that not only the army, but the generals were alarmed by the new attempt, which, as we have seen, had been before threatened by Tissaphernes, but which he seems to have reserved as a last expedient for the time when the Greeks should be enclosed, as they now were, between the mountains and the river; for at the north end of the plain, precipitous cliffs, descending into the bed of the Tigris, stopped their passage: the stream was unfordable, and it became necessary to change the line of march. An ingenious Rhodian proposed to carry the army across the river upon a new kind of raft composed of inflated hides and skins. But the project was deemed im. practicable in the face of the enemy's cavalry, who were seen in great numbers on the opposite bank. They therefore returned, having burned the villages which they left, to their last quarters, and examined their prisoners as to the road which they were to take. To continue their march northward, without crossing the Tigris, it was necessary that they should enter the mountainous region on their right, which was inhabited by the fierce Carduchians, who had maintained their independence against the Great King, and had once totally destroyed an army of 120,000 men which he had sent to invade their territories. This, however, appeared to be the only practicable course, and was adopted. Tissaphernes, who had watched their retrograde movement, as if with surprise and curiosity, from a distance, when he saw them strike into the Carduchian mountains, gave up all farther pursuit. They had crossed the plain to the foot of the hills in the dark, during the last watch of the night, and found the pass unguarded. But the people fled from their villages at their approach, and, though the Greeks at first spared their property as much as possible, could not be induced to listen to any pacific overtures. They, perhaps, felt both their honour and their safety concerned to preserve their territory inviolate, and, having recovered from their first surprise, and collected a part of their forces, fell upon the rear of the Greeks, and with their missiles made some slaughter among the last troops, which issued, in the dusk of the evening, from the long and narrow defile. In the night the watchfires of the Carduchians were seen blazing on the peaks of the surrounding hills—signals which warned the Greeks that they might expect to be attacked by the collected forces of their tribes. They felt that much would depend on the rapidity of their movements, and resolved to leave behind them their weaker cattle and their captives, who retarded their march, consumed their provisions, and employed many hands to keep guard over them. Nevertheless, during the next day's march the enemy hung upon their rear, compelling the heavy-armed from time to time to make sallies against them, and had occupied the summit of the only pass which seemed to cross the rugged mountains in front of them. Their situation would have been almost desperate if Xenophon had not taken two of the natives in an ambush, one of whom, after he had seen his fellow put to death, undertook to guide them to another pass. By this discovery a detachment of volunteers was enabled, after a hard struggle, to dislodge the enemy from his first position. Xenophon still endeavoured, by means of his interpreter, to negotiate a truce with them, for the purpose of burying the slain. But he soon discovered that they listened only to cover their hostile inclinations; and, though the slain were restored in exchange for the guide, the army, during its march through the Carduchian territory, which lasted seven days, was forced to contest every pass. The barbarians were light of foot, so that they could approach securely within a short distance, and they discharged their arrows with such force as to pierce both shield and corslet. The Greeks suffered more from their resistance than from all the efforts which the king and Tissaphernes had made to arrest their progress, and were glad when, descending from the mountains, they encamped on the banks of the Centrites, which flowed at about a mile from their foot, and divided the land of the Carduchians from Armenia, the satrapy of Orontes. The opposite bank of the river was lined with hostile troops, infantry and cavalry, which had been collected by Orontes from his own satrapy, and from some of the neighbouring independent tribes, among which the Chaldeans were accounted the most warlike. The Greeks found that the river was too deep to be sorded with safety in the face of such an enemy; and, as they saw the Carduchians assembled in great numbers behind them, apparently with the intention of attacking their rear when they began to cross, they felt themselves to be in imminent danger. But in the second night Xenophon had another encouraging dream, and the next morning he received information of aford about half a mile off, at a place which was not accessible to the enemy's cavalry. They were thus enabled to effect their passage in spite of the threats of the Carduchians, who, though formidable in their mountains, when they came down into the plain, were put to flight by the charge of a small body of the heavy infantry. No enemy now appeared until, having passed the sources of the Tigris, they came to the River Teleboas, on the frontier of the Western Armenia, the satrapy of Teribazus. He himself came up to the Greek camp, attended by a few horsemen and an interpreter, and proposed a truce, on condition that the Greeks, in their passage through his province, should do no unnecessary damage. These terms were accepted; but it was soon discovered that he was watching their movements with an army, and designed to occupy a pass which was their only outlet

through the mountains on the western side of Armenia. This intelligence enabled them to disconcert his plans. Leaving a body of troops to guard their camp, they not only secured the pass, but, falling suddenly on the camp of Ter:bazus, dispersed his forces, and made themselves masters of his tent, with all his furniture and a part of his household. They were thus released from the fear of the enemy; and this was the last show of obstruction opposed to them during their retreat by the power of Persia. But in their march through the Armenian highlands they had to struggle with the inclemency of the season and the climate, which a more active enemy might perhaps have used for their destruction. The snow lay six feet deep on their road, and several of the men perished through the intensity of the cold, which was sometimes sharpened by a fierce north wind. This, indeed, abated, after a sacrifice which the soothsayers prescribed to Boreas; but the men suffered so much from the frost and the snow that it was often with great difficulty, and not without violence, that Xenophon could induce them to proceed. Their hardships, however, were but little aggravated by any attempts of the enemy; for though they were followed by some hostile bands, it seems to have been only for the sake of plunder, and these marauders were easily checked. So little preparation had been made to arrest their progress, that, in some of the villages which they passed through, they made the natives believe that they were in the king's service, and marching to join the satrap. The chief of a village, who was taken by Xenophon, both served them as a guide, and procured a hospitable reception for them in many of the Armenian villages, until a hasty blow, which he received from Chesrisophus, provoked him to make his escape. They, however, arrived in safety on the banks of a river which Xenophon calls the Phasis, and pursued their march without interruption until they were stopped before a pass which they found guarded by three warlike tribes, the Chalybes, Taochians, and Phasians. After this obstacle had been surmounted by a detachment which gained a higher point in the ridge and drove the enemy from his position, they had to encounter a still more formidable resistance from the Taochians, who defended their almost impregnable fortresses with desperate valour, and in their last retreat flung themselves, with their wives and children, down from the rocks, to avoid falling into the power of the victorious enemy. It was in like manner, sword in hand. that they forced their way through the land of the Chalybes, the most warlike of all the tribes whose countries they traversed. They were armed nearly after the Greek fashion. and thro: towns, in which they had collected all ther provisions, were so strongly sortified that the Greeks would have been detained by almost insuperable difficulties if they had not been able to subsist on the plunder of the TaochiansAmong the next people whose land they entered, the Scythinians, they met with no opposition, and even with an appearance of good-will: for the chief sent a guide to them, who promised in the course of five days to lead thern to a

place within view of the sea. He led thern through the territory of a hostile tribe, and invited them to ravage it, and thus disclosed the motive of the chief's friendly behaviour. But he fulfilled his engagement. On the fifth day, as the army was ascending Mount Theche, a lofty ridge distinguished by the name of the Sacred Mountain, Xenophon and the rear-guard observed a stoppage and an unusual clamour in the foremost ranks, which had reached the summit; and they supposed at first that they saw an enemy before them ; but when Xenophon rode up to ascertain the cause, the first shouts that struck his ear were, “The Sea the Sea'" The glad sound ran quickly till it reached the hind most, and all pressed forward to enjoy the cheering spectacle. The Euxine spread its waters before their eyes—waters which rolled on to the shores of Greece, and which washed the walls of many Greek cities on the nearest coast of Asia. Officers and men embraced one another with tears of joy. A pile of stones was reared on the summit of the Sacred Mountain, and crowned with captive arms and other of. serings. Then, having dismissed their guide with suitable presents, they followed the road which he had pointed out to them towards the coast, It brought them to the confluence of two rivers, one of which divided the Scythinians from the Macrones, who were strongly posted on the opposite bank, and threatened, by their hostile gestures and mutual exhortations, to dispute the passage. Their shouts struck one of the Greek soldiers as a familiar sound. It was the land of his birth, from which he had been torn in his youth, to live as a slave at Athens. Through his mediation his countrymen were induced to lay aside their hostility, and even to afford the most friendly aid to the Greeks, whom they conducted to the borders of Colchis. After another hard struggle with the barbarians, who were in possession of a difficult pass of their mountains, they descended to the coast, and reached the friendly walls of Trapezus, a colony of Sinope, on Colchian ground, where they were hospitably entertained, and celebrated their deliverance with votive sacrifices and solemn games. The prevailing desire of the whole army was now to return as soon as possible to Greece; but the Greek cities on the south coast of the Euxine were interspersed over the territories of many fierce and independent tribes, and after the toils and hardships of the march which they had just ended, having the sea immediately before them, the men were extremely averse to the thought of pursuing their journey by land. They would, as one of them said, have done with the watches, and labours, and dangers of the camp and the field, and be carried home, like Ulysses, stretched asleep on the deck, Cheirisophus, being acquainted with Anaxibius, who was at this time Admiral of Sparta, and was stationed at Byzantium, was commissioned to obtain transports to fetch them away from Trapezus. During his absence, Xenophon advised that they should borrow some galleys from the Trapezuntians, and force as many vessels as they could into their service; but Dexippus, a Laconian, who was sent out with a penteconter for this purpose, instead of discharging his commission, sailed away to By

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FIRST VIEW OF THE SEA.—TRANSACTIONS AT COTYORA.

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zantium; and Cheirisophus lingered so long, that the Greeks—after a dangerous expedition on which they were led by the Trapezuntians against a neighbouring tribe, the Drilao, one of the most warlike on the Euxine, whose hostile inroads frequently annoyed Trapezus—found themselves compelled, by the want of provisions, to shift their quarters. The men above forty, with the women—of whom a great number had followed the army—the children and the sick, were embarked in the vessels which had been procured; the rest proceeded by land to Cerasus, also a colony of Sinope in the land of the Colchians. Here they reviewed their

forces, and it was found that of about 10,000

men who had set out from Sardis or from Cunaxa, 8600 had survived. The money taken by the sale of the captives was here distributed; and a tenth, which was reserved for Apollo and the Ephesian Artemis, was divided among the generals, to be laid out at their discretion in honour of those deities. At Cerasus they remained ten days; and before their departure the generals experienced an alarming proof of the difficulty of maintaining discipline among a body of troops so composed when they were no longer restrained by the sense of a common danger. A neighbouring tribe of friendly barbarians was treacherously attacked by a party of volunteers, led against them by an officer who hoped to enrich himself with the booty, but sell, with many of his followers, in the assault; and their envoys, who came to Cerasus for satisfaction, were stoned to death by some of the survivers. This outrage was perpetrated after the main body had resumed its march; but when the Cerasuntians proceeded to the camp to complain of it, they there witnessed another tumult, in which an officer belonging to what we should call the commissariat," was threatened with death by the soldiers. These occurrences seem to have excited alarm at Cotyora, where the army next arrived, after having traversed the territory of the savage Mosynoecians, and the citizens refused either to afford it a market or to admit the sick within their walls. But the Greeks, having forced their way into the town, compelled them to receive the sick into their houses, and plundered the circumjacent country. Cotyora was a colony of Sinope, planted in the land of the Tibarenes, and both paid tribute to the parent city, and was governed by a Sinopian harmost. The Sinopians were alarmed for their subjects, and sent envoys to expostulate with the Greeks on their hostile proceedings. Xenophon defended them on the plea of necessity, and repelled the threats thrown out by the chief of the embassy—who talked of calling in the aid of the Paphlagonian king, Corylas, against them—in a manner which induced him to change his tone, and to exert his authority to procure a more hospitable reception for them at Cotyora. The envoys were next consulted on the best mode of proceeding towards Greece; they described the obstacles which the army would have to encounter if it attempted to force its way through Paphlagonia, as insuperable; and so strong was their anxiety to get rid of their

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