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A sufficient number of transports was at length collected for the embarcation of all the troops, and a fair wind brought them in the course of two days to Harmene, the port of Sinope, where they were hospitably entertain

turned with a single galley, but brought a mes. sage of congratulation and praise from Anaxibius, and a promise that, when they came out of the Euxine, he would provide employment and pay for them. They had now left almost all obstacles behind them, and all anxiety about their return had been sufficiently removed to make room for other cares. Their main wish now was to carry home some fruit of the long and laborious expedition which was just drawing to its close. For this purpose, it seemed advisable that the command should no longer be divided among many generals, but should be lodged in the hands of a single chief. The thirst of plunder had opened their eyes more effectually than all their past dangers to the benefit which might be expected from secrecy of counsel and promptness of action. The unanimous choice of the army fell upon Xenophon; and he was strongly pressed by the inferior officers to accept the supreme command. As he owns that he was powerfully tempted by the offer, we can hardly refuse to believe him when he asserts that it was by the unfavourable aspect of the victims which he consulted that he was induced to decline it, though he himself assigned a much more rational motive for his conduct-the reflection that such a distinction conferred on an Athenian, when a Lacedæmonian was present, might awaken the jealousy of the Spartans. The command was accordingly bestowed on Cheirisophus, who, while he accepted it, observed that Xenophon had acted prudently in declining it, since Dexippus-the man who had so treacherously deserted his comrades at Trapezus-had already been endeavouring to injure him in the opinion of Anaxibius, to whom he had represented him as a person of dangerous ambition, and of views hostile to the interests of Sparta. But Cheirisophus was not aware of all the perils to which he was himself exposed

formidable guests, that they engaged to provide transports for the whole army; and three deputies were sent back with them to Sinope to fetch the vessels. During their stay at Cotyora, which lasted forty-five days, Xenophon thought he saw a favourable opportunity for ex-ed, and were found by Cheirisophus, who re ecuting a project, which he seems to have had for some time in his mind, of planting a new colony on the coast of the Euxine. But the soothsayer Silanus, to whom he communicated the scheme, was desirous of returning home to enjoy the munificent present which he had received from Cyrus, and both prematurely divulged Xenophon's views and did his utmost to thwart them. And the greater part of the men seemed so averse to them, that Xenophon found it necessary to declare that he had abandoned them. But the rumour of his design enabled Timasion and Thorax, a Boeotian, to work upon the fears of some merchants from Sinope and Heraclea, who were present in Cotyora, and by their reports these two cities were induced to offer to provide pay as well as vessels for the troops, on condition that they should sail away to Greece; and even engaged Timasion, by a promise of money, to exert his influence for promoting this object. When, however, it was discovered that Xenophon had dropped, or at least disclaimed the purpose attributed to him, and that the men were bent on returning home, the Sinopians and Heracleots no longer thought it necessary to fulfil these promises, and sent the transports without any money. Timasion, who, relying on their assurances, had made large promises to the soldiers, now dreaded the effects of their disappointment, and would have persuaded Xenophon to resume his project, and to join him and the other generals-who, with the exception of Neon, the lieutenant of Cheirisophus, were all ready to share the expedition-in an attempt to found a colony on the banks of the Phasis. It is not clear how they could have hoped to succeed in such an enterprise, for when a rumour of it was circulated in the army, and Neon, ignorantly or maliciously imputed it to Xenophon, who had refused to concur in it, the men seemed to be on the point of breaking out into a mutiny, and Xenophon was again obliged The army re-embarked, and the wind continto vindicate himself, and to point out the ab-uing fair, carried it in two days to the port of surdity of supposing that he meant to accomplish such an object, either by artifice or violence, against their inclinations. He took this opportunity of relating the scenes which had taken place at Cerasus, which were not generally known, and excited universal indignation, and proposed a solemn lustration to purify the army from the stain of blood. This transaction suggested the thought of a court, which was held to receive an account from the generals of their conduct during the expedition. Some ❘ charges of peculation and negligence were brought and proved, and sundry penalties in- | flicted. Xenophon himself did not escape accusation, but the calumnies with which he was assailed not only afforded him an opportunity of clearing himself from the imputation cast on him of an oppressive exercise of his authority, but revived the recollection of numberless acts of kindness and self-denial, by which he had earned the gratitude of the men under his command, and of the whole army.

in his new station.

Heraclea. The Heracleots sent a present of flour, wine, sheep, and oxen, sufficient to supply its wants for two or three days; but this hospitable treatment only served to inflame the cupidity which had been awakened as soon as fear began to subside; and one Lycus, an Achæan, proposed to demand a large subsidy from Heraclea. The motion was carried, and when Cheirisophus and Xenophon, strenuously remonstrating against this injustice, refused to be the bearers of the message, it was intrusted. to other envoys, who delivered it in threatening language. They were dismissed with an equisocal answer; and the Heracleots immediately made preparations for defending their city The authors of the iniquitous project vented their disappointment in murmurs against those who had opposed it, and persuaded the Arcadians and Achæans, who formed more than half the army, to separate themselves from the resi, and to try to mend their fortunes under generals of their own. Thus, within six or seres

days after his election, Cheirisophus found himself reduced to his former rank, with the loss of all the Arcadians and Achæans who had hitherto served under him. Xenophon was now inclined to throw up his command; but he was induced to retain it partly, as he says, by the appearance of the sacrifices, and partly by the prospect of embarking under the protection of Cleander, the Spartan harmost of Byzantium, who was expected with a squadron at Port Calpe on the coast of Bithynia.

The army left Heraclea in three divisions. The Arcadians and Achæans-more than 4500 heavy-armed infantry under the command of ten generals invested with equal powers-cager for the spoil of Bithynia, embarked first, and landed at Port Calpe. Cheirisophus, with 1400 heavy-armed, and 700 Thracian targeteers, marched along the coast towards the same point. Xenophon-who leaves us in great doubt as to his motives for parting from Cheirisophus-sailed as far as the confines of Bithynia, and then struck into the interior. His division consisted of 1700 heavy infantry, about 300 targeteers, and forty cavalry, the only force of that kind in the army. He had perhaps chosen the upper road in the hope of averting or remedying the calamities which he might well augur from the rashness and presumption of the more numerous body, and, in fact, he came up Just in time to rescue them from the Bithynians, who had surrounded a hill on which they had taken refuge, but dispersed in the night as soon as they saw the fires which Xenophon had kindled at a distance. The three divisions met in safety at Porte Calpe; and, having gained wisdom by the recent disaster, agreed never more to part company.

the sacrifices no longer forbade an expedition, in which the Greeks revenged themselves by a complete victory over the satrap's forces.

Soon afterward Cleander arrived; but he brought only two galleys of war, and no transports. He was accompanied by Dexippus, who had laboured to prejudice him against the army, and especially against Xenophon, and by his own misconduct provoked a tumult, in which Cleander believed his person to have been threatened. The power of Sparta was at this time so formidable, that Xenophon dreaded the worst consequences from his resentment, and persuaded the army to appease it by the most respectful submission to his pleasure. The Spartan did not want generosity; and being at length convinced that Dexippus had deceived him, admitted Xenophon to his friendship, and took the army under his protection. A march of six days, in the course of which they collected a great booty, brought them through Bithynia to Chrysopolis, over against Byzantium. While they stayed here to dispose of the spoil, they received two invitations from different quarters to cross over to Europe. Pharnabazus feared that they might be tempted, both by cupidity and revenge, to invade his satrapy, and by such offers as few Spartans were able to resist, engaged Anaxibius to use his influence to draw them out of Asia. Anaxibius accordingly sent for the principal officers to Byzantium, and repeated the promise which he had before made through Cheirisophus, of taking them into pay as soon as they came over. Xenophon announced his intention of quitting the army, but was persuaded by the Spartans to remain with it until it had landed in Europe. It happened that at this time, Seuthes, an Odrysian prince, who had inherited a part of the great monarchy of Sitalces, including some of its maritime regions, having been expelled from his dominions, was striving to recover them with a body of troops which had been sent to his assistance by Medocus, who was now reigning over the more inland tribes still subject to the Odrysian empire. Seuthes was desirous of engaging the Cyrean troops, as they began to be called, in his service, and sent a Thracian, named Medosades, to negotiate for this object with Xenophon, who, he promised, should not find him ungrateful for his good offices, if he would induce the army to cross the channel. Xenophon, however, informed the envoy that this measure was already resolved on, and that when it was executed, his own connexion with the army would cease.

The army was detained at Calpe several days; at first, when on the point of setting out to march across Bithynia to the Bosporus, by the unpropitious appearance of the victimswhich, Xenophon says, some were bold enough to ascribe to his management-afterward waiting for the arrival of Cleander. Xenophon's narrative of the transactions of this interval is very mysterious. It is clear, from his description of the Peninsula of Calpe, that he thought the situation admirably adapted for a colony. It was generally believed in the army that he wished to found one there; and the men were on this account unwilling to encamp in a strong position which might have served as the citadel of a new town, and when at last they were compelled to do so through fear of the Bithynians and Pharnabazus, this encampment was universally regarded as the beginning of a set- | Anaxibius, having accomplished his end, tlement. Xenophon, however, does not inform when the troops had landed at Byzantium, us how far this opinion was well grounded, but would immediately have dismissed them withonly seems anxious to guard himself from the out either pay or provisions, to make their way suspicion of collusion with the soothsayers; a into the Thracian Chersonesus, where, he in suspicion which it is nevertheless very difficult formed them, they would find employment unto suppress, when we find the sacrifices by der the command of Cyniscus, apparently anwhich the movements of the army were regu- other Spartan officer. This intelligence was lated, uniforinly tending towards the object communicated to the men just as they had iswhich he was supposed to have had in view. I sued from the gates of Byzantium; and it proCheirisophus died of a fever at Calpe, and Neon, voked a transport of indignation, in which they who succeeded him, having led out 2000 men burst into the city, and were only restrained on a foraging excursion in spite of the adverse from keeping possession of it by the remonomens. was surprised by the cavalry which strances of Xenophon, whom many of them urPharnabazus had sent out to aid the Bithynians, ged to seize this opportunity of rising to greatand lost 500 of his troops. After this disaster, ness by placing himself at their head. He con

vinced them of the desperate rashness of braving the power of Sparta, and persuaded them to evacuate the place. He himself adhered to his resolution of quitting the army, and having, with some difficulty, obtained permission from, Anaxibius to re-enter the town for the purposesion, had regarded the Great King as inaccessiof embarking, took leave of his comrades. The other generals were divided in their interests and views. The army, while it lay before the walls, was deceived for a day or two by the absurd pretensions of an adventurer named Coratadas, a character which could not have appeared at an earlier period, and which in its ludicrous extravagance bears the stamp of the national calamities. He was travelling about in search of employment as a general, and, by a promise that he would lead them upon a profitable expedition, and, in the mean while, would supply them with provisions in abundance, prevailed upon the Cyreans to elect him commander-in-chief. But it was soon found that he had no means of maintaining them even for a single day; and during the interval of suspense which ensued, while the generals were contending each for his own object, many of the men withdrew from the camp, sold their arms, and either sailed away, or took up their abode in Byzantium, and other neighbouring cities.

Anaxibius heard with pleasure that the army was beginning to dwindle away, as he hoped the sooner to receive the reward of his services from Pharnabazus. But being shortly after superseded by a new admiral, he found himself neglected by the satrap, who transferred all his attention to Aristarchus, who was come to succeed Cleander as harmost of Byzantium. Anaxibius had met Aristarchus at Cyzicus, and had instructed him to sell all the Cyreans whom he found in Byzantium as slaves: an act of cruelty to which Cleander had always refused to consent. But he was now only intent on revenging himself, and, sending for Xenophon, who was at Parium, on the Asiatic coast, urged him to sail with all speed to the army, and induce it to cross over to Asia, and invade the satrap's province. Xenophon, who seems to have been led to resign his command chiefly through fear of Spartan jealousy, gladly executed this commission, and the men as readily embraced his proposal. But the threats of Aristarchus, who was no less venal than Anaxibius, and had become equally devoted to the interests of Pharnabazus, compelled them to desist from this enterprise. Xenophon, who in the mean time had received another message from Seuthes, now entered into treaty with the Thracian prince, and finally engaged the whole army, except a corps of 800 men under Neon, in his service. After a hard winter's campaign, Seuthes found himself restored to his dominions by the aid of the Greeks, and would then have defrauded them of the pay which had become due to them. But Sparta had now herself need of them for a war which she was beginning in Asia, of which we shall speak in the next chapter, and, with the concurrence of the Spartan commissioners, Xenophon constrained Seuthes to satisfy the claims of the troops before they embarked to be incorporated with the other Spartan levies. With their return to Asia the history of the expedition ends.

The events which we have been relating soon

became known throughout Greece, and they suggested several interesting reflections to a thoughtful observer. From the days of Aristagoras, the Greeks, though they had long ceased to view the Persian power with apprehenble to their attacks in his eastern capitals. But now a Persian prince, thoroughly acquainted with the strength of the empire, had advanced 2000 miles into the interior to dethrone the reigning monarch, with an army in which the only troops on which, according to his public declarations, he placed any reliance were about 10,000 Greek adventurers. The battle of Cunaxa proved that he had not miscalculated his means, and that it was not the want of force, but either of prudence or of fortune, that caused the failure of his enterprise. Even after his death, this handful of Greeks had felt themselves able to dispose of the throne of Asia, and the sequel seemed to show that this confidence was not ill grounded. The Persian court had betrayed its weakness and its fears in all the attempts which it made to cut off their retreat, and their struggles with the independent tribes through which they passed, proved both the great number of nations dwelling within the compass of the king's dominions which defied his power with impunity, and that no region of Asia was impervious to the arms of the Greeks. The practical inference was immediately drawn, though it was not fully demonstrated till near a century later.

But before we again fall into the main current of Grecian history, it seems due to the celebrated man who fills so conspicuous a place in the latter part of the foregoing narrative, that we should pause a few moments to consider the close of his personal adventures, though it lies at some distance beyond the point of time which we have reached. Xenophon had prudently declined the offers with which Seuthes tempted him to sacrifice his reputation, and the goodwill of the army, to temporary gain, or a settlement on the coast of Thrace. He still professed the intention of returning home, but was persuaded by his friends to accompany the army into Asia, and to consign it to the Spartan officer under whom it was henceforth to serve. He arrived at Lampsacus with the esteem and gratitude of his comrades, heightened by his recent conduct, but with so scanty a provision for his own wants, that he was obliged to sell a favourite horse to supply himself with the means of journeying homeward. But not long after he led the troops on a marauding excursion in Lydia, from which they returned with a large booty; and the portion which they reserved for him, made him, as he says, rich enough to be bountiful to others. He now, perhaps, expected to return to Athens in affluence and honour. but this was not his lot. He returned to Greece an exile, bearing arms against his fellow-catzens, whom he met in battle on the field of Coronea. We have no sure information as to the cause of his banishment; but the most probable account seems to be that which assigny it to one by which the forebodings of Socrates were realized, and it is not dificult to conceive that the resentment of the Athenians Was

Paus., v., 6, 5.

excited as well by the share he took in the ex- to atone for his ancient hostility by a chimerpedition of Cyrus as by the services which he ical project for the improvement of the Athehad rendered to Sparta after his return. But nian finances. we know too little of his private connexions, or his political relations, to be sure that other motives did not at least concur with this to occasion his sentence; and, indeed, his own narrative, strictly interpreted, would lead us to conclude that it had not been passed until he had FROM THE RENEWAL OF HOSTILITIES BETWEEN set out with the Spartan king, Agesilaus, on his expedition against Athens and her allies.

CHAPTER XXXV.

SPARTA AND PERSIA TO THE DEATH OF LYSAN-
DER.

The Spartans rewarded him for his attach- THE motives which induced the Spartan govment to them with the title of proxenus, and ernment to declare itself in favour of Cyrus in with a grant of land and a house near the town his contest with his elder brother, were not, of Scillus in Triphylia, in a pleasant valley not perhaps, without a mixture of personal feelfar from the plain of Olympia. Here he fixed ings; but they were certainly not pure gratihis abode, and was enabled to consecrate the tude and good-will. It no doubt perceived that scene of his retirement by an act of piety. He it would be conferring a weighty obligation on had carried the portion of the votive tenth one of the rivals, who might become a still which fell to his share in the division of the more powerful and useful ally than he had hithbooty at Cerasus as far as Ephesus, and, when erto been, while its forbearance would be but be was on the point of setting out with Agesi- little prized by the other. The issue of the laus, deposited the part due to the Ephesian enterprise of Cyrus could not inspire it with goddess with Megabyzus, the guardian of her much uneasiness. If he should not fully suctemple, to be restored to him if he should pass ceed, there might still be a prospect of dividing safely through the dangers of the approaching or weakening the Persian empire; and if he campaign, otherwise to be laid out in an offer- should utterly fail, it had nothing to dread but ing to Artemis. After he had settled at Scillus, a war with Persia: an event to which it had, Megabyzus arrived there on a pilgrimage to probably, begun already to look forward more Olympia, and restored the deposite, with which with hope than with fear. The victory of ArtaXenophon purchased a tract of land in the vale xerxes soon afforded it an occasion for maniof Scillus, dedicated it to the goddess, and on festing the new spirit which animated its counit built a small fane after the model of the great cils. While the Greeks were on their return, temple of Ephesus, in which he placed an im- Tissaphernes was sent down to the West to age of cypress wood, shaped like the golden receive the reward of his signal services, havEphesian idol. The temple stood in a grove ing been appointed to the government of the of fruit-trees; the rest of the sacred land con- provinces which had been before subject to sisted chiefly of pastures and woods abounding Cyrus, in addition to his own satrapy, and inin game; and a little stream which flowed vested with the like superintending authority through it was named, like one within the pre- as had been given to the prince. He now cincts of the Ephesian Artemisium, Selinus. A claimed the dominion of the Ionian cities as infestival was celebrated every year in honour of cluded within his new province; but he found the goddess, and was attended by a large con- them very unwilling to submit to him. They course of worshippers from the neighbouring had provoked his displeasure by the preference districts, who were entertained with the prod- which they had shown for Cyrus: they dreaded uce of the sacred land, according to a solemn his resentment, and they hoped, with the aid obligation recorded on a pillar which stood near of Sparta, to be able to maintain their independthe temple, by which the possessor was bound ence. Their envoys pressed the Spartan govto consume a tenth of its fruits in a yearly sac-ernment, as the acknowledged head of the Tifice.

In this delightful retreat Xenophon spent many quiet, yet active years, dividing his time between his literary occupations, the pleasures of the chase, and the society of his family and friends. It seems, however, that he did not end his days here, though the causes which led him to quit it are not well ascertained. According to one author, he was driven away by an inroad of the Eleans, and took refuge in Corinth, where he is said to have died at an advanced age; but, according to another statement, he was restored to his native city, and by a decree moved by the same orator, Eubulus, who had been the author of his banishment. And since, as we shall see, a time came when to be a friend of Sparta was no longer an offence at Athens, the fact of his recall is by no means improbable ;† and it would even appear that in his old age he endeavoured

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Greek nation, to protect them from the yoke and from the vengeance of the barbarian. The Spartans no longer considered themselves bound by the treaty in which, at a time when they were in need of Persian gold, they had acknowledged the king's title to the whole of Asia; and they seem gladly to have embraced the opportunity thus offered of extending their credit and power. Thimbron was sent, with the title of harnost, to undertake the defence of the Ionians, at the head of an army consisting only of 1000 Neodamodes, and about 4000 Peloponnesian troops, and 300 Athenian cavalry, which he had demanded and offered to maintain, perhaps not without a hint that such a requisition would be welcome. In fact, it enabled the Athenians, without any breach of the amnesty, to rid themselves of so many citizens of the equestrian class, who, as they had been among the steadiest supporters of the Thirty, could never be viewed without suspicion.

Thimbron, on his arrival in Asia, collected re-enforcements to the amount of about 3000

men* from the Greek cities, where, as Xeno- the commission which appointed him successor phon observes, the will of a Spartan at this time was law. Still, the enemy's superiority in cavalry was so great that he did not venture at first to descend into the open plain, where he would have been exposed to its attacks, but contented himself with defending the immediate neighbourhood of more tenable positions. The scene of these operations, however, was not Ionia, but the more northern coast near the satrapy of Pharnabazus, towards which Tissaphernes had marched, perhaps with the view of keeping the war at as great a distance as he could from that part of his province in which his private property lay; and he had been en-trict called Æolis, from the Eolian towns which gaged for some time, without success, in the siege of Cuma.† Thimbron's first object was to meet the Cyrean troops, and, soon after their arrival at Pergamus, he incorporated them with his own, and now felt himself strong enough to face the enemy on any ground. Pergamus and several other towns in this region submitted to him. Among them were some which were governed by two remarkable Greek families: by the descendants of the Spartan exile Demaratus, who bore the names of Eurysthenes and Procles, and by Gorgion and Gongylus, who inherited the lordship which had been granted by the Persian king to their ancestor Gongylus, an Eretrian, as the reward of his treason to the cause of Greece. But their national feelings, or their fears, were stronger than their gratiPharnabazus had committed the government tude, and they opened the gates of their towns of his Eolis, as it was called to distinguish it to their countrymen. Some other places Thin- from the maritime region occupied by the Eobron took by assault; but before Larissa-that lian colonies, to Zenis, a Greek of Dardanus. distinguished by the epithet of the Egyptian- On the death of Zenis, Mania, his widow, an he was detained so long by the vigorous resistable and enterprising woman, by a timely appliance of the besieged, that he received orders cation to the satrap, accompanied with rich from the ephors to waste no more time there, but to march into Caria, and carry the war to the doors of Tissaphernes.

to Cyrus; and he took advantage of it to divide their forces, and to revenge himself on Pharnabazus, who had once drawn an ignominious military punishment upon him while he commanded as harmost of Abydos under Lysander. He concluded an armistice with Tissaphernes on the condition that he should turn his arms against Pharnabazus; and while Tissaphernes thus showed his indifference to his master's interests, by abandoning a colleague whom it was his duty to protect, the Spartan ventured to disregard the orders given to Thimbron, and bent his march northward, towards the midland dispeopled it. It included a part of the skirts and of the upper valleys of Mount Ida, and was subject to Pharnabazus. On his way he exhibited a strong and advantageous contrast to the laxity of his predecessor's discipline, in the strictness with which he compelled his troops to respect the property of their allies; and, on his arrival in Eolis, he lighted upon an extraordinary supply, which enabled him with ease and safety to persevere in the same system. It was the result of a train of events on which Xenophon dwells with evident pleasure for the sake of the moral lesson, and with a minuteness which we could have wished him to have reserved for matters of higher historical interest, which he has left in comparative obscurity.

presents both to himself and the principal persons of his court and household, prevailed on him to let her succeed her husband: an appointment much less repugnant to Persian than to Greek ideas of the capacities and functions of her sex. Her administration was active, prudent, and prosperous. She took a body of Greek mercenaries into pay, with which she reduced three of the adjacent maritime towns, Larissa, Hamaxitus, and Colonæ, superintending their operations in person, and rewarding their exertions with discriminating liberality. She at

But nearly at the time that these orders were sent, complaints were laid against him at Sparta by the allies, which induced the government to supersede him before he had completed his year of office. He either neglected to preserve discipline among his troops, or had been compelled, by the want of other resources, to connive at the depredations they committed in the friendly country through which they passed. At Ephesus he was met by his successor, Der-tended the satrap on his military expeditions, cyllidas, to whom he immediately resigned his command. On his return to Sparta he was sentenced to a fine, and was either banished or driven into exile by the heaviness of the penalty. Dercyllidas was a Spartan of Lysander's school, so notorious for his mastery in the arts of stratagem and intrigue, as to have earned the nickname of Sisyphus, the legendary exemplar of cunning. His first measure was one in which he consulted his private passions rather than the public interest, but at the same time gave proof of his dexterity, and revealed the weakness of the Persian system of government. He knew that great jealousy existed between Pharnabazus and Tissaphernes, who, once his equal, had lately been raised to a higher rank by *The army, when Dercyllidas took the command, amountd to 8000 men. Xenoph., Hell., iii., 1, 28. + Diodor., xiv., 35.

Xenophon says he was the only Eretrian who was exiled on account of his treason. But there were others who shared it. Her., vi., 100. See p. 243.

conciliated his favour by her exactness in the
payment of the tribute, her munificence, and
her hospitality, and was admitted to a share in
his councils. Within her dominions she exer-
cised absolute authority, and amassed an ample
treasure. A son and daughter, the one rising
towards manhood, the other married, promised
stability and increase to her good fortune; but
destruction fell upon her from the quarter to
which she looked with the greatest confidence
for security. Meidias, her son-in-law, instiga-
ted both by his own ambition and by the sug
gestions of evil counsellors, who taught him to
deem himself degraded by subjection to a won-
an, murdered her and her son, and made him-
self master of Scepsis and Gergis, the two
towns in which, as places of strength, she had
lodged the greater part of her treasures.
other towns, which were garrisoned by the
Greek mercenaries, refused to receive him, and
continued to acknowledge the authority of Phar

The

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