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more active enemy might perhaps have s for their destruction. The snow lay si *I deep on their road, and several of the men per

on the rapidity of their movements, and resolv- | through the mountains on the western side t ed to leave behind them their weaker cattle and Armenia. This intelligence enabled then their captives, who retarded their march, con- disconcert his plans. Leaving a body of tra sumed their provisions, and employed many to guard their camp, they not only secured hands to keep guard over them. Nevertheless, pass, but, falling suddenly on the camp of Te during the next day's march the enemy hung bazus, dispersed his forces, and made the upon their rear, compelling the heavy-armed selves masters of his tent, with all his furnit from time to time to make sallies against them, and a part of his household. They were it. and had occupied the summit of the only pass released from the fear of the enemy; and the which seemed to cross the rugged moutains in was the last show of obstruction opposed t front of them. Their situation would have been them during their retreat by the power of j'almost desperate if Xenophon had not taken sia. But in their march through the Arme two of the natives in an ambush, one of whom, highlands they had to struggle with the incis after he had seen his fellow put to death, under-ency of the season and the climate, which took to guide them to another pass. By this discovery a detachment of volunteers was enabled, after a hard struggle, to dislodge the enemy from his first position. Xenophon still en-ished through the intensity of the cold, whi deavoured, by means of his interpreter, to negotiate a truce with them, for the purpose of burying the slain. But he soon discovered that they listened only to cover their hostile inclinations; and, though the slain were restored in exchange for the guide, the army, during its march through the Carduchian territory, which lasted seven days, was forced to contest every pass. The barbarians were light of foot, so that they could approach securely within a short distance, and they discharged their arrows with such force as to pierce both shield and corslet. The Greeks suffered more from their resistance than from all the efforts which the king and Tissaphernes had made to arrest their progress, and were glad when, descending from the mountains, they encamped on the banks of the Centrites, which flowed at about a mile from their foot, and divided the land of the Carduchians from Armenia, the satrapy of Orontes.

was sometimes sharpened by a fierce a
wind. This, indeed, abated, after a sachte
which the soothsayers prescribed to Bores:
but the men suffered so much from the es
and the snow that it was often with great df-
culty, and not without violence, that Xenophre
could induce them to proceed.
Then bar
ships, however, were but little aggravated ș
any attempts of the enemy; for though the
were followed by some hostile bands, it seems
to have been only for the sake of plunder,
these marauders were easily checked. So Ett
preparation had been made to arrest their pr
ress, that, in some of the villages which the
passed through, they made the natives beler?
that they were in the king's service, and mare
ing to join the satrap. The chief of a village,
who was taken by Xenophon, both served thes
as a guide, and procured a hospitable receptor
for them in many of the Armenian villages,
til a hasty blow, which he received from Che
risophus, provoked him to make his escape.
They, however, arrived in safety on the banks
of a river which Xenophon calls the Phasis
and pursued their march without interruption
until they were stopped before a pass which
they found guarded by three warlike tribes, the
Chalybes, Taochians, and Phasians. After this
obstacle had been surmounted by a detachmen
which gained a higher point in the ridge and
drove the enemy from his position, they had to
encounter a still more formidable resistance
from the Taochians, who defended their almost
impregnable fortresses with desperate valour,
and in their last retreat flung themselves, with
their wives and children, down from the rocks,
to avoid falling into the power of the victorios
enemy.

The opposite bank of the river was lined with hostile troops, infantry and cavalry, which had been collected by Orontes from his own satrapy, and from some of the neighbouring independent tribes, among which the Chaldeans were accounted the most warlike. The Greeks found that the river was too deep to be forded with safety in the face of such an enemy; and, as they saw the Carduchians assembled in great numbers behind them, apparently with the intention of attacking their rear when they began to cross, they felt themselves to be in imminent danger. But in the second night Xenophon had another encouraging dream, and the next morning he received information of a ford about half a mile off, at a place which was not accessible to the enemy's cavalry. They were thus enabled to effect their passage in spite of the threats of the Carduchians, who, though formi- It was in like manner, sword in hand, that dable in their mountains, when they came down they forced their way through the land of the into the plain, were put to flight by the charge Chalybes, the most warlike of all the thes of a small body of the heavy infantry. No ene- whose countries they traversed. They were my now appeared until, having passed the sour-armed nearly after the Greek fashion, and ther ces of the Tigris, they came to the River Teleboas, on the frontier of the Western Armenia, the satrapy of Teribazus. He himself came up to the Greek camp, attended by a few horsemen and an interpreter, and proposed a truce, on condition that the Greeks, in their passage through his province, should do no unnecessary damage. These terms were accepted; but it was soon discovered that he was watching their movements with an army, and designed to occupy a pass which was their only outlet

towns, in which they had collected all the
provisions, were so strongly fortified that the
Greeks would have been detained by almost in-
superable difficulties if they had not been able
to subsist on the plunder of the Taochuans
Among the next people whose land they enter
ed, the Scythinians, they met with no opposition,
and even with an appearance of good-will; for
the chief sent a guide to them, who promised
in the course of five days to lead them to a
place within view of the sea.
He led them

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that the Greeks after a dangerous expedition on which they were led by the Trapezuntians against a neighbouring tribe, the Drila, one of the most warlike on the Euxine, whose hostile inroads frequently annoyed Trapezus-found themselves compelled, by the want of provisions, to shift their quarters. The men above forty, with the women-of whom a great number had followed the army-the children and the sick, were embarked in the vessels which had been procured; the rest proceeded by land to Cerasus, also a colony of Sinope in the land of the Colchians. Here they reviewed their forces, and it was found that of about 10.000 men who had set out from Sardis or from Cunaxa, 8600 had survived. The money taken by the sale of the captives was here distributed; and a tenth, which was reserved for Apollo and the Ephesian Artemis, was divided among the generals, to be laid out at their discretion in honour of those deities.

FIRST VIEW OF THE SEA.-TRANSACTIONS AT COTYORA. 547 through the territory of a hostile tribe, and in-zantium; and Cheirisophus lingered so long, vited them to ravage it, and thus disclosed the motive of the chief's friendly behaviour. But he fulfilled his engagement. On the fifth day, as the army was ascending Mount Theche, a lofty ridge distinguished by the name of the Sacred Mountain, Xenophon and the rear-guard observed a stoppage and an unusual clamour in the foremost ranks, which had reached the summit; and they supposed at first that they saw an enemy before them; but when Xenophon rode up to ascertain the cause, the first shouts that struck his ear were, "The Sea! the Sea!" The glad sound ran quickly till it reached the hindmost, and all pressed forward to enjoy the cheering spectacle. The Euxine spread its waters before their eyes-waters which rolled on to the shores of Greece, and which washed the walls of many Greek cities on the nearest coast of Asia. Officers and men embraced one another with tears of joy. A pile of stones was reared on the summit of the Sacred Mountain, and crowned with captive arms and other offerings. Then, having dismissed their guide with suitable presents, they followed the road which he had pointed out to them towards the

coast.

It brought them to the confluence of two rivers, one of which divided the Scythinians from the Macrones, who were strongly posted on the opposite bank, and threatened, by their hostile gestures and mutual exhortations, to dispute the passage. Their shouts struck one of the Greek soldiers as a familiar sound. It was the land of his birth, from which he had been torn in his youth, to live as a slave at Athens. Through his mediation his countrymen were induced to lay aside their hostility, and even to afford the most friendly aid to the Greeks, whom they conducted to the borders of Colchis. After another hard struggle with the barbarians, who were in possession of a difficult pass of their mountains, they descended to the coast, and reached the friendly walls of Trapezus, a colony of Sinope, on Colchian ground, where they were hospitably entertained, and celebrated their deliverance with votive sacrifices and solemn games.

At Cerasus they remained ten days; and before their departure the generals experienced an alarming proof of the difficulty of maintaining discipline among a body of troops so composed when they were no longer restrained by the sense of a common danger. A neighbouring tribe of friendly barbarians was treacherously attacked by a party of volunteers, led against them by an officer who hoped to enrich himself with the booty, but fell, with many of his followers, in the assault; and their envoys, who came to Cerasus for satisfaction, were stoned to death by some of the survivers. This outrage was perpetrated after the main body had resumed its march; but when the Cerasuntians proceeded to the camp to complain of it, they there witnessed another tuinult, in which an officer belonging to what we should call the commissariat, was threatened with death by the soldiers. These occurrences seem to have excited alarm at Cotyora, where the army next arrived, after having traversed the territory of the savage Mosyn@cians, and the citizens refused either to afford it a market or to admit the sick within their walls. But the Greeks, having forced their way into the town, The prevailing desire of the whole army was compelled them to receive the sick into their now to return as soon as possible to Greece; houses, and plundered the circumjacent counbut the Greek cities on the south coast of the try. Cotyora was a colony of Sinope, planted Euxine were interspersed over the territories in the land of the Tibarenes, and both paid tribof many fierce and independent tribes, and after ute to the parent city, and was governed by a the toils and hardships of the march which Sinopian harmost. The Sinopians were alarmthey had just ended, having the sea immediate-ed for their subjects, and sent envoys to exly before them, the men were extremely averse to the thought of pursuing their journey by land. They would, as one of them said, have done with the watches, and labours, and dangers of the camp and the field, and be carried home, like Ulysses, stretched asleep on the deck. Cheirisophus, being acquainted with Anaxibus, who was at this time Admiral of Sparta, and was stationed at Byzantium, was commissioned to obtain transports to fetch them away from The envoys were next consulted on the best Trapezus. During his absence, Xenophon ad-mode of proceeding towards Greece; they devised that they should borrow some galleys scribed the obstacles which the army would from the Trapezuntians, and force as many ves-have to encounter if it attempted to force its sels as they could into their service; but Dex-way through Paphlagonia, as insuperable; and ippus. a Laconian, who was sent out with a so strong was their anxiety to get rid of their penteconter for this purpose, instead of discharging his commission, sailed away to By

postulate with the Greeks on their hostile proceedings. Xenophon defended them on the plea of necessity, and repelled the threats thrown out by the chief of the embassy-who talked of calling in the aid of the Paphlagonian king, Corylas, against them-in a manner which induced him to change his tone, and to exert his authority to procure a more hospitable reception for them at Cotyora.

* 'Αγορανόμος.

common interest. Tissaphernes declared him- | friend Proxenus. When they were within bearself willing to gratify this wish, and promised, if he would bring all his principal officers before him, to point out those who had endeavoured to excite his suspicions. Clearchus assented to this proposal, and engaged at the same time to make the like disclosure as to the source of his own. Tissaphernes now detained him to supper, and loaded him with marks of kindness and respect; so that he returned to the camp the next morning with the most agreeable impressions of the satrap's disposition towards him, and called upon all his officer's to accompany him to the proposed interview, that the authors of the caluminies which had done so much mischief might be detected, and punished as traitors to the army.

There were even among the common soldiers some who saw the danger of such a step, and who, as soon as the intentions of Clearchus became known, expostulated with him on the imprudence of committing all their officers to the power of a man whom they had hitherto been treating as a covert enemy. He would probably not have been blind to that which they discerned so clearly if his judgment had not been perverted by two selfish motives: resentment and ambition. He had persuaded himself that Meno, whom he believed to be his enemy and his rival, was the person who had traduced him to Ariæus and Tissaphernes, for the purpose of supplanting him. He hoped to witness the shame and punishment of his adversary, and to establish himself in the undivided command of the army; and therefore disregarded all the remonstrances of his disinterested counsellors. But he could not prevail on more than four of the generals, and twenty of the inferior officers to end him. The generals were Proxenus, Meno Agias, an Arcadian, and Socrates the Achæan. When they came to the headquarters of Tissaphernes, the five generals were admitted within, and the subalterns remained at the door; they were followed by about 200 of the private soldiers, who came either for the sake of the market, or attracted by curiosity. Ere long a signal was given, upon which the generals were arrested, and a massacre was begun among their countrymen who accompanied them. At the same time, as quadron of barbarian cavalry was seen scouring the plain, and cutting down every Greek who fell in their way. The Greeks, who beheld this movement from their camp, were for some time at a loss to account for it. But it was soon explained to them by the appearance of Nicarchus, an Arcadian, who came up severely wounded, and related all that had happened.

The Greeks ran to their arms in consternation, apprehending that the enemy would immediately fall upon them. None, however, appeared but Ariæus and two other generals who had been in the service of Cyrus, and, as the Greeks were informed by their interpreter, a brother of Tissaphernes, with about 300 Persian cuirassiers. The chiefs, having drawn near, desired that some Greek officer should come forward and listen to the message which they had brought from the king. Upon this two of the remaining generals, Cleanor and Sophænetus, advanced, duly guarded, accompanied by Xenophon, who was anxious to learn some tidings of his

ing, Ariæus informed them that Clearchus, having been convicted of perjury and breach of treaty, had been punished with death; but that Proxenus and Meno, who had revealed his treachery, were in high honour. The king now required the rest of the army to surrender their arms, which, as they had before belonged to his subject Cyrus, he now claimed as his own. Cleanor, answering in the name of his colleagues, addressed Ariæus and the other friends of Cyrus with the bitterest reproaches. Ariaus attempted to vindicate himself by repeating the charge against Clearchus. Xenophon then observed, that if Clearchus was guilty of the of fences imputed to him, he had no doubt suffered justly; but since Proxenus and Meno had conferred an obligation on the Persians, it was reasonable that they should be restored to their troops; for, as they had shown themselves the friends of both parties, both might expect bene fit from their counsels. The Persians, after a long conference among themselves, departed without returning any answer.

Xenophon adds but very few particulars as to the fate of Clearchus and his fellow-prisoners. The anecdotes related by Plutarch from Ctesias and other writers are of doubtful credit. But it seems certain that neither Clearchus nor any of his companions were immediately put to death, but were carried to court, and that they were kept for some time in custody. During this interval Parysatis, who regarded them with good-will as friends of her best-beloved son, is said to have exerted all her influence to save their lives. But her efforts were counteracted by her rival, Statira, the favourite queen of Artaxerxes, whose suit, as it happened to be mor in accordance with his own inclination, was on this occasion preferred; and all the generals, except Meno, lost their heads. Xenophon, whe describes Meno's character in a strain of satire cal invective, mentions the exception made m his favour, apparently to confirm a suspicion which he elsewhere insinuates, that Meno wa privy to the treachery of Tissaphernes Ctesias distinctly charged him with this baseness; and we may easily believe, if he was such a man as Xenophon represents, that he was quite capable of it. It is not so clear in what wayle could have promoted the success of the strate gem;* and there is no reason for supposing that he suggested it; the credit of the invention is unquestionably due to Tissaphernes alone Meno, however, was spared-whatever may have been the motive-only to be reserved fr a death of lingering torture, such as we scarcely hear of anywhere but in the court ebroncles of ancient Persia; for it lasted a wh year. This refinement of cruelty seems to dicate the intervention of Parysatis; and it is not improbable that she obtained permission to wreak her vengeance upon him, as a compense tion for the disappointment she had suffered 13 her contest with Statira.‡

af

* Ctesins, though he confirms Xenophon's suspice Meno, was so ill informed about the particulars as 1-72 that, through Meno's arts, Clearchus was comp Ved by army, though he himself distrusted Tissaphoraes, tā pat himself in his power.

thing more than kept in wretched confinemente Tail you. + Xenophon's expression, αἰκισθεὶς ἐτι αυτόν, το

Yet the silence of Ctesias-for it seems clear fr

CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE RETURN OF THE GREEKS.

XENOPHON.

had powerful attractions for a man of adventurous spirit, even if he was strongly attached to his native city. To Xenophon, perhaps, the THE despondency with which the Greeks most tempting part of the prospect was a long He seems-though it viewed the situation in which they were left by absence from Athens, or a permanent settlethe loss of their generals can only be estima- ment in a foreign land. ted, if we consider not only its real dangers, may be unconsciously-to have determined on but the reluctance with which they had been accepting the proposal of Proxenus, when he Socrates was immediately struck with induced to follow Cyrus on to the goal of his communicated it to Socrates, as if for his adenterprise, and the opinion which Clearchus vice. himself had expressed, on the desperate diffi- the effect which such a step was likely to proculty of making good their retreat against the duce on the minds of the Athenians, who could will of the enemy, who had just given such a not, without some feelings of jealousy, see one proof of his implacable hostility, as utterly pre- of their citizens seeking his fortune in the patcluded all farther attempts at negotiation, and ronage of the man who had shown himself their all possibility of compromise. On the other implacable enemy, and had been the chief auhand, the whole amount of the loss which had thor of their late calamities and degradation. been actually sustained through the perfidy of It seems, however, that he did not otherwise Tissaphernes might be looked upon as confined attempt to dissuade his young friend from folto the person of Clearchus. Yet this loss might lowing the bent of his inclination than by pointbefore he decided, he should consult the Delphic well seem irreparable; for he was the only man ing to these consequences, and by advising that, who had hitherto displayed the abilities and acquirements requisite for the station which he oracle, which by its authority might either put had filled among his colleagues, whose defer- an end to the project, or give a better colour to ence was a tacit acknowledgment of their own the proceedings. Xenophon, however, instead incapacity. Even he had despaired of conduct- of submitting his plan to the decision of the oring them home in defiance of the Persian pow-acle, only inquired about the religious ceremoer. They were now in the case which he had nies by which the adventure which he meditareturn to Athens, Socrates gently censured his described, left, at the distance of at least 1200 ted might be brought to a happy issue. On his miles from Greece, without provisions, without guides, without a single horseman, to find and disciple for having shown more concern about fight their way through an enemy's country, the success of the enterprise than about its across unfordable rivers, with a hostile army expediency or fitness, but opposed no farther watching their movements, and ready to seize hinderance to it; and Xenophon, having obevery opportunity of falling upon them with ad- served the rites which the oracle had prescrivantage; and, besides all this, they were with- bed, embarked for Asia, and found Proxenus at out a chief. The night which followed this Sardis, with the troops which he had collected ans, and on the point of setting out. Proxenus change in their prospects was, as may easily be for the pretended expedition against the Pisidiimagined, with most of them, a sleepless one. Few could find heart to taste food or light a introduced him to Cyrus, and both pressed him to accompany them on their march; the prince fire; and many, instead of coming to the ordinary resting-place near their arms, threw them-assuring him that he should be at liberty to deselves on the ground, wherever else they chanced to be, not to sleep, but to call up the images of their homes, parents, wives, and children, whom they no longer expected ever to see again. Hope, however, was not universally stifled, and the emergency called forth a man-such as among 10,000 Greeks could scarcely ever have been wanting-endowed with all the qualities needed for meeting it. Xenophon, the Athenian, whose name has already occurred more than once in our narrative, had accompanied the expedition, as a private adventurer, without any military rank. He had spent a great part of his youth at Athens, in familiar and habitual intercourse with Socrates, who, struck, it is said, by his promising physiognomy, had drawn him, by a gentle constraint, into his society. It was probably at Athens, also, that he had formed his intimacy with Proxenus, who is said to have been a disciple of Gorgias, and may have been drawn to Athens by pursuits congenial to those of his Athenian friend. Proxenus, after he had entered the service of Cyrus, wrote from the court of Sardis to Xenophon, offering to introduce him to the prince, whose favour he said he himself valued above anything that his country had to offer. Such an invitation would have

extract of Photius, c. 60, compared with Piut, Artax.. 18,
that he only related that Meno was not put to death with
the other generals-throws considerable doubt on the fact.

part as soon as the expedition was ended. We
must believe that he was deceived by the pro-
fessions of Cyrus, since he asserts it himself.
He does not inform us when the truth, which
had from the beginning been evident to Tissa-
phernes, first dawned upon his mind. On the
arrival of the army in Cilicia, when no farther
doubt could remain as to the prince's intentions,
he was, according to his own account, one of
those whom a sense of honour induced reluc-
tantly to proceed. The expedition was, perhaps,
in no respect more useful to him than in the
opportunity it afforded him of studying the char-
acter Cyrus-one of that class which he espe-
cially admired; and the time had now come for
tions had furnished him.
applying the lessons with which his observa-

He had spent a part of the night in gloomy
reflection, such as occupied the minds of most
of his comrades, and having at length dropped
into a short slumber, saw a dream such as might
was deeply conversant with the interpretation
naturally occur to a Greek who, like Xenophon,
According to the rules of divination,
as he himself expounds them, it was of an am-
of omens.
biguous aspect, and he seems to think that on
upon his mind when he awoke proved that it
this very account the impression which it left
was immediately sent by the god, from whom,
according to the Homeric theology, all dreams

proceeded. When the consciousness of his condition returned, he began to reflect that it was one which demanded instant and strenuous exertion. His first thought was: Why do I keep lying here while the night is wearing away, when the enemy may be expected to fall upon us at daybreak? We are threatened with the most cruel and ignominious death that the revenge of a timid adversary can inflict; and yet no one is making any preparations for resistance. If I wait for another more experienced general to step forward, the season for action will have passed by.

mand, and use him as a beast of burden. It was now made known, by one who had noticed that the ears of Apollonides had been pierced after the Lydian fashion, that he was no more a Greek by birth than in soul; and he was ignominiously expelled. The rest proceeded in a body to assemble all the officers of their own or of higher rank in the army: it was near midnight when they were brought together: their number amounted to about a hundred. The eldest officer of the division of Proxenus, having briefly stated the object of the meeting, called upon Xenophon to repeat what he had said. Xenophon reminded the assembly that the safe

conduct which they might pursue in this eventful crisis.* The eyes of the common soldiers were fixed on them; the influence of their example would be felt throughout the ranks, to infuse either despondency or courage into every bosom. Their superior station, as it conferred peculiar advantages, imposed more arduous doties, and obliged them to watch and labour in behalf of those who were placed under them. Their first care should be to fill up the vacancies which had been made by the massacre. It would then be expedient to assemble their men, and to endeavour to raise their drooping spirits. For this purpose it would be proper to divert their minds from gloomy forebodings to thoughts of action. It was not on numbers, or brute strength, but on the manly spirit of the combatants that victory depended; and he had observ ed that in war those who were most chary of their lives seldom survived those who were willing to meet an honourable death. Cheirisophus seconded this proposal, and they immediately proceeded to the election. Timasion, a nanative of Dardanus, was chosen in the room of Clearchus, Socrates was succeeded by Xanthicles, an Achæan, Cleanor by Agias, Meno by Philesius, an Achæan. Xenophon himself was elec ted to supply the place of his friend Proxenus.

His resolution was immediately formed: he rose, and called together the officers of Proxe-ty of the whole army entirely depended on the nus, and addressed them. After having pointed out the magnitude of the evils which they had to apprehend, unless some provision were made without delay for their defence, he dexterously turned their attention to another more animating view of their situation. Ever since they had concluded the treaty with Tissaphernes, he had observed with envy and regret the rich possessions of the barbarians, and had lamented that his comrades had subjected themselves to the obligation of abstaining from the good things which they constantly saw within their reach, except so far as they were able to purchase a taste of them at an expense which he had feared would soon exhaust their scanty means. This abstinence they had religiously observed; but the perfidy of their enemies had now released them from the restraint which they had imposed on themselves; and the treasures which they had coveted, but had scrupulously forborne to touch, would henceforth be the fair prizes of their valour. The gods, whom their enemies had provoked by their perjury, would be the arbiters of the contest, for which, besides, they were better prepared, both in the training of their bodies and the temper of their spirits, than their antagonists. Perhaps while he spoke these thoughts had occurred to some of their comrades. He therefore exhorted them not to wait until they were called upon by others, but to take the lead and aspire to a glorious preeminence among their fellows. For himself, he was ready to follow any leader whom they might appoint; but he would not plead his age as an excuse for shrinking from the foremost post, if they chose to place him there.

His hearers, with one exception, unanimously requested him to put himself at their head. The only dissentient voice was that of one Apollonides, whose accent seemed to betoken a Bootian origin. He said that it was idle to talk of saving themselves, otherwise than by the king's good pleasure; and he was proceeding to expatiate on the difficulties of their position, when he was interrupted by Xenophon, who indignantly reminded him that, when they openly defied the king, he had sued for a truce, but those of their number who placed themselves at his mercy had been pitilessly massacred. A man who could learn nothing from such experience ought no longer to be admitted among them; and he advised that they should depose him, as a disgrace to Greece, from his com

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The election was scarcely over before day began to dawn; and, after the sentinels had been relieved, the men were called to a gen eral assembly. They were first addressed by Cheirisophus, who only spoke of the loss they had suffered in the death of their officers and comrades; of the friendless condition in which they were left by the desertion of Ariaus; of the doom which awaited them if they should fall into the power of their enemies; and hence took occasion to exhort them to make up their minds for victory or a glorious death. was followed, in a similar strain, by Cleanor, who dwelt upon the perfidy of the king and Tissaphernes, and the baseness of Ariaus, as motives which should induce them to place no trust in the faith of the barbarians, but to meet their fate, whatever it might be, with swords in their hands.

He

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