sion in the legal and customary contributions, of the young Athenians, he carried about with with which at Athens the affluent charged him, to escape from under his cloak; and the themselves, as well to provide for certain parts business of the assembly was interrupted until of the naval service as to defray the expense the bird was caught, and restored to Alcibiades, of the public spectacles, but aspired to dazzle by the same Antiochus who, first recommendall Greece at the national games by magnifi- ed to him by this trivial service, afterward incence such as had never been displayed there volved him in one of his greatest misfortunes.* even by the kings of Macedonia, or by the op- This, indeed, was not quite so extravagant a ulent princes of Syracuse or Cyrene. He con- condescension as was once shown to Cleon, tended at Olympia with seven chariots in the who, one day, after he had kept the assembly a same race, and won the first, second, and third long while waiting for him, entered it with a or fourth crown-success unexampled as the garland on his head, and begged that it might competition. He afterward feasted all the be adjourned to the morrow, because he had spectators; and the entertainment was not just sacrificed to the gods, and had to entermore remarkable for its profusion and for the tain some strangers at home; and obtained his multitude of its guests, than for the new kind request.† But the impunity with which Alcibof homage paid to him by the subjects of Ath-iades was permitted to commit offences, which ens. The Ephesians pitched a splendid Per- would have been severely punished in any other sian tent for him; the Chians furnished prov- citizen, was both unseemly and dangerous. ender for his horses; the Cyzicenes, victims The violence with which he detained the paintfor the sacrifice; the Lesbians, wine, and other er Agatharchus for three or four months in his requisites for the banquet. His interest was house, and forced him to adorn it with his pensupposed to be powerful enough to induce the cil;t the blow with which, in sheer wantonElean judges to give a partial sentence in his ness, for a sportive wager, he insulted Hipponifavour. On his return to Athens, he engaged cus, whose daughter he afterward married ;§ Euripides, the favourite poet of the day, to com- the threats, or the plot of assassination with pose a panegyric ode,¶ and dedicated two pic- which he terrified his brother-in-law Callias ;|| tures, works of Aglaophon, to commemorate the outrages with which he revenged himselt his victory; one representing him as crowned on his enemies, or tried the patience of his by the powers of the Olympic and the Pythian friends,** might be thought frolics which diu festival, the other, as an exquisitely beautiful not concern the public; but the majesty of the youth, reclining on the knees of Nemea.** commonwealth was violated when he disturbec Reflecting men could not but ask, whether any the Dionysiac festival by an assault on a com private fortune could support such an expendi-petitor in the midst of the spectacle ;†† wher ture, and whether such honours were in har- he used the sacred vessels belonging to the mony with a spirit of civil equality. This anx-state, while they were required for a public pro iety was the more reasonable, as Alcibiades cession at Olympia, to adorn that with which seemed to love to show that he considered him- he celebrated his victory ;‡‡ when, to protect self as a privileged person, raised above the the Thasian poet Hegemon from a lawsuit, he laws; and, as he is said once to have disfigured went openly to the public archives, and destroya valuable animal, merely that his caprice mighted the record ;§§ when, after having compelled become the topic of general conversation,++ so his wife Hipparete, by his ill-treatment, to leave it was evident that in his most illegal acts he his house, and to sue for a divorce, he seized her rather sought to attract public attention than in the presence of the archon, and dragged her hoped to escape it. The people cherished this home. There were also rumours, which wilful humour by the partial indulgence with formed the groundwork of a comedy of Eupolis, which they repaid his flattery. His first ap- of secret orgies, in which Alcibiades acted a pearance in the assembly was marked by a sig- principal part, and which outraged not only nificant specimen of popular levity and good- good manners, but religion. T¶ Yet it would nature. He was passing by, when several cit- seem that some of the most prudent citizens, izens were offering donations to the treasury. who observed his conduct with uneasiness, He followed their example, and was greeted thought it best to connive at it. The light in with loud applause. In the delight which he which they viewed him is indicated by an imfelt at this first taste of popularity, he suffered age which Eschylus, in a comedy of Aristophaa tame quail, which, according to the fashion nes,*** is made to apply to Alcibiades: "A lion's whelp ought not to be reared in a city; but whoever rears one must let him have his way." Many who saw that Alcibiades was unfolding a character which could scarcely find room for itself in the midst of institutions like those of Athens, might believe that it was likely to be So Plut, Ale, ii. Alcibiades himself in Thucyd., vi., 16, speaks more moderately (boa obdas Tш idiŵτns прóτeрov), probably to avoid an invidious comparison. We are not aware that the Olympiad can be certainly fixed; but it was probably Ol. 89, B.C. 424. His marriage was before the battle of Delium (Andocid., p. 30), and his victory at Olympia was about the same time, according to Isocr., Big, 14. In the next Olympiad the chariot of Lichas was victorious. 01. 88 seems too early for the allusion, Thuc, vi., 16, πρότερον ἐλπίζοντες αὐτὴν καταπεπολε nota: not to mention that the Lesbians were then at war with Athens. Athenæus, 1., p. 3. Plut., Alc., 12, wolλous. Plut., Alc., 12. Andoc., p. 33, compared with Satyrus in Atheneus, xii., p. 534. But the comparison suggests a suspicion that Satyrus amplified the fact mentioned by Andocides and Plutarch into a habitual practice: ràs árodn μίας όποτε στέλλοιτο. Andoc., Alc., p. 32. **Satyrus in Athen., u. s. + Plat., Alc., 9; where a different turn is given to the story. Plut., Alc., 11. * Ibid., 10. Compare Xenophon, Hellen., i., 5, 11. t Plut., Nic., 7. Andoc., p. 31. Demosthenes, Mid., p. 562, seems to Andoc., p. 31. Plut., Alc., 8. tt Andoc., p. 31. Demosth., Mid., p. 562. : Andoc., p. 33. See Dissen's Pindar, Excurs. i., p. 264. ◊◊ Chameleon in Athenæus, ix., p. 407. Andoc., p. 30. Plut., Alc., 8. ¶¶ See Buttmann, Mytholog., ii., p. 164. What Thucydides says (vi., 15) of his xarà rò lavтou owμa rapavouía was probably connected with these rumours. *** Ran., 1427. come still more dangerous if provoked by re- | to have had impudence and malignity sufficient sistance and punishment. to make him infamous and hateful. He was During the first ten years of the war Alcibia-eminent enough among the public men of his des had served, as we have seen, with honour day to be a mark for the comic poets, to whom in several campaigns; but he had acquired his birth, condition, and character afforded inmuch more celebrity by his private adventures exhaustible materials for satire. But his imthan by his exploits in the field, or by his ap-portance is not to be measured by his notoriety. pearance in the popular assembly. Though To Thucydides he appeared so contemptible, his youth did not disqualify him for taking part that he is only induced to mention him by the in the public counsels, as it did for military extraordinary circumstances of his death; command, he seems to have come forward but though the occasion by which he was driven, seldom, or with little effect, so long as Cleon as we shall see, from the political stage, might retained his ascendency. His eloquence is de- have been thought memorable enough to described as almost irresistibly powerful;* and serve notice. Among the other competitors of its efficacy, which was undoubtedly much Alcibiades, Andocides, son of Leogoras, and heightened by the graces of his person and Phæax, son of Erasistratus, were the most manner, is said to have been rather increased prominent. Andocides was of noble family, than impaired by a slight defect in his voice.† and a pleasing, though not a powerful orator : But it would appear to have been slowly ma- but his character inspired as little confidence tured. He was fastidious in the choice of his as that of Alcibiades, whom he resembled only expressions, and did not always possess a flu- in his vices. Phæax was likewise of good ency of language equal to the quickness of his birth and engaging manners, but was deficient conceptions, so that when he spoke without as a public speaker. The time, therefore, had preparation, he was often obliged to pause, hes- come when Alcibiades might reasonably hope itate, and recommence an unfinished period.‡ to reach the highest place in the commonThis was an impediment which must have been wealth, which was itself only the first step in painful to his vanity, and, contrasted with Cle- the scale of his ambition. on's volubility, placed him under a disadvan- Neither Cleon nor Nicias could properly be tage, which may have retarded the beginning said to be heads of a party. Cleon's strength of his political career. Yet, at the time which lay in the lowest class of the people, to whose our narrative has now reached, he seems al- passions he ministered: Nicias was supported ready to have distinguished himself as the au- by all who dreaded or hated Cleon. The perthor of one important measure; for it appears sonal motives which led him to desire peace to have been before the peace of Nicias that he were, indeed, shared by many among them, but carried a decree for raising the tribute of the did not form the bond of their union. The turn allies, and having himself been appointed one which the war had taken had created a general of ten commissioners for that purpose, he wish for a cessation of hostilities with Sparta. doubled the amount at which it had been fixed Alcibiades, on the other hand, restless and sanby Aristides. There was, perhaps, no ground guine, had much more to hope than to fear from for the charge afterward brought against him, war, and he exercised an extensive influence of having enriched himself on this occasion by over the Athenian youth of the higher orders. the abuse of his authority; but the measure it- But he himself saw the necessity of yielding to self indicated that he had adopted the policy the universal call for peace, and would willingwhich had founded the dominion of Athens only have taken the lead in the negotiations which force and terror, and that he intended to carry it to a still greater length. Cleon's death opened a broader avenue for him, and he saw no rival but Nicias standing in his way, whose opposition he had reason to fear. Cleon, indeed, had left behind him a man of similar character, who pushed himself into a temporary celebrity by similar arts, and is therefore commonly represented as his successor, and as having obtained the same kind of political ascendency. This was the lamp-maker, Hyperbolus, a man of so base extraction, that, if we may believe the assertion of a contemporary orator,|| his father was a branded slave, and was employed as a workman in the public mint at the same time that the son was taking a conspicuous part in the deliberations of the popular assembly. But Cleon possessed talents enough to be extremely mischievous; Hyperbolus seems only were opened with Sparta, that the treaty might be considered as his work. His family had of old been connected with Sparta by ties of hospitality, but his grandfather had broken off this relation. Alcibiades would have renewed it, and signified his wish to conciliate the Spartans by good offices towards the prisoners of Sphacteria, in which he vied with Nicias. But the Spartan government did not meet those advances, and preferred the alliance of Nicias to that of a young man who had not yet given any proofs that he could be either formidable or useful to them. Alcibiades, disappointed and provoked by the advantage given to his rival and the slight shown to himself, endeavoured from the first to impede the negotiations for peace, by attributing perfidious intentions to the Spartans, who, he contended, only wanted to gain time for concluding a treaty with Argos, and as soon as they had secured themselves on that side, would renew the war with Athens. He had since industriously fanned the jealousy which had been excited in the people through the improvident selfishness of Sparta, and the machinations of the Spartan party, which was labouring for the same end with himself, now afforded him an opportunity of taking a great step towards the execution of his designs. ARTIFICE OF ALCIBIADES. He had friends at Argos, to whom he pri- | His arguments or authority prevailed on the vately sent word that the Athenians were now people to send him to Sparta at the head of an in a temper to listen to proposals for an alli- embassy, which was instructed to demand satance with Argos. This, indeed, he perceived isfaction on the three most important points on to be the most natural and advantageous con- which the Athenians felt themselves aggrieved nexion for both states, though he was conscious-the restitution of Amphipolis, the rebuilding of other motives for bringing it about. His of Panactum, and the dissolution of the sepamessage was gladly received at Argos; the ne- rate alliance with Boeotia. This last was the gotiation with Sparta was immediately dropped, point which the Spartan government was most and an embassy, accompanied by envoys from unwilling to concede; and when the Athenian Elis and Mantinea, was despatched to Athens. envoys insisted on it as an indispensable conThe Spartan government lost no time in en-dition, on which alone Athens would decline to deavouring to prevent this formidable coalition, connect herself in like manner with Argos, All that Nicias and sent three ambassadors, Philocharidas, Xenares and his party obtained a majority for Leon, and Endius, selected as personally ac- returning a positive refusal. ceptable to the Athenians, to make such apolo- could carry to prevent his mission from appeargies and offers as might divert them from en- ing entirely fruitless was, that the existing tering into it. Endius belonged to the Spartan treaties should be ratified afresh. But the isfamily with which that of Alcibiades had been sue of the embassy, when reported at Athens, anciently connected, and from which he de- excited great indignation against Sparta, and rived his name and he was probably chosen murmurs against himself as the author of the for the purpose of soothing and winning Alcibi- once desired and applauded peace. Alcibiades ades-but the consequence was that Alcibiades no longer met with any opposition when he rethe more easily overreached him and his col-newed his motion; and a treaty was immedileagues. They were first introduced to the ately concluded with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea, council of Five Hundred, where they announced for an alliance offensive and defensive, to last a that they were come with full powers to termi-hundred years. nate all differences, and their explanations and proposals were received with such approbation as to alarm Alcibiades for the effect which they might produce in the assembly of the people. Taking advantage, therefore, of the confidence which he gained through his relation to Endius, he assumed the character of a friend, and promised with solemn assurances to aid them in obtaining the restitution of Pylus, the main object Still, this treaty was not construed as putting of their mission, which he had hitherto strenuously opposed, and in re-establishing a good an end to those which subsisted between Sparta understanding between the two states; but he and Athens. Corinth did not enter into it; but, persuaded them that it would be dangerous to as the breach between Sparta and Athens grew let the assembly know the extent of their pow-wider, became more disposed for a reconciliaers, and made it a condition of his co-operation, tion with her old ally; and she had already bethat they should disavow them. The Spartans trayed this change in her views by rejecting a fell into this trap, and when in the assembly they were questioned as to their commission, they made the answer which had been concerted with Alcibiades. But he now convicted them of self-contradiction, and, armed with such specious evidence of their double-dealing, inveighed more vehemently than ever against Spartan insincerity, and urged the people to break off all negotiation with them, and at once to close with the proposals of Argos; and this motion would have been immediately carried if the shock of an earthquake had not interrupted the business of the day. The correspondence between the Spartan envoys and Alcibiades had been concealed from Nicias, whose concurrence did not appear to be needed, and he was as much surprised as he had reason to be offended by the conduct of the Spartans. Still, in the assembly which was held the next day, he endeavoured to heal the breach made through their imprudence, and urged the expediency of ascertaining the intentions of Sparta before her alliance was abandoned for that of Argos. The delay required for this purpose could neither injure the interest nor the dignity of Athens, which occupied the vantage ground, and had no reason either to fear or to wish for war, while the power and pride of Sparta had suffered a severe shock. One of its articles provided that none of the parties should allow the enemies of the rest to pass through its territory or The terms on which each to cross the sea; a clause which could only concern Athens. was to send succour to its allies were exactly regulated. In a common war the command was to be equally shared by the confederates. No new articles were to be added but by unanimous consent. proposal which had been made to her to con HISTORY OF GREECE. ers for promoting the interests of the Argive confederacy. The most important step towards this end was to introduce or consolidate democratical ascendency. It was partly with this view, and partly to gain a firm footing for Athenian influence in Achaia, that he persuaded the people of Patræ to connect their city by means of long walls with its port. This success encouraged him to attempt to build a fort on the Achæan Rhium; but the maritime towns on this side of the Corinthian Gulf, which would have been most endangered by the accomplishment of his design, united with Corinth and Sicyon to force him to abandon it. themselves, since the truce was proclaimed at | thinking Sparta too much occupied with the Sparta after the act by which it was now pre-affairs of Peloponnesus to protect her colony, tended that it had been broken; and they re- without consulting her, not only put a garrison fused to pay the penalty. seem to have expected that the name of re- tans felt all the humiliation resulting from such Still, the Eleans into it, but sent Hegesippidas away. The Sparligion would at Sparta be powerful enough to an interference, but scarcely ventured to betray extort great concessions; and they offered, if their displeasure. Their attention was soon the Spartans would give up Lepreum, to dis- after drawn towards suspicious movements of charge them from the penalty; remitting the the Athenians nearer home. part that belonged to themselves, and paying been appointed one of the ten generals, and, that which was due to the god in their stead. with a small Athenian force of heavy infantry Alcibiades had When this offer was rejected, they demanded and bowmen, marched into Peloponnesus, where that the Spartans, before they were admitted he was joined by re-enforcements from the allied to the approaching festival, should, in the pres- states, and, traversing the peninsula in various ence of the nation assembled at Olympia, sol- directions, acted as if charged with a general emnly submit to this sentence, and bind them-commission and invested with the largest powselves by an oath to pay the fine at some future time. As they refused this acknowledgment, they were put under a ban, and forbidden to celebrate the usual sacrifices at Olympia by a public deputation, and to take part in the games. It was known that they would feel this exclusion very keenly, and the Eleans apprehended that they might disturb the games by a forcible irruption, and not only stationed a body of their own troops to guard the sacred ground, but obtained succours from Argos and Mantinea, and a squadron of Athenian horse. Their fears were redoubled by an occurrence which took place during the games. A Spartan named Lichas had sent a chariot to contend for the prize; but as, on account of the ban, it was not permitted to enter the lists under the name of its owner, he caused it to be described as public property of the Boeotian confederacy. His horses won, and the Baotian people was proclaimed victor. But Lichas, who was present, could not forbear from stepping forward and making the real competitor known by placing a chaplet on the head of his successful charioteer. This was a breach of order, at least in a subject of the state which was excluded from the games; and Lichas, a man of the first rank in the first city of Peloponnesus, was ignominiously chastised by the Elean lictors. Those who offered this affront could scarcely believe that Sparta would brook it; yet the games passed off without interruption. Soon after the festival, the Argives and their allies made a fresh attempt to draw Corinth over to the new confederacy. Sparta sent envoys to Corinth to counteract their efforts; but the debate was prematurely closed by an earthquake. Yet the sentiments of the Corinthians were scarcely doubtful, and were soon more clearly discovered. give government for a similar object in another He, however, concerted a plan with the Arquarter. Argos was separated from the Saronic Gulf by the territories of Corinth and Epidaurus, and could only receive succours from Athens by a circuitous navigation. daurus was subjected to Argos, not only would the Argives be more secure, and better able, if If Epinecessary, to act on the offensive on the side of Corinth, but their communication with Athens through Ægina would be direct and easy. A pretext was discovered on which they might invade the Epidaurian territory. There was at Argos a temple of Apollo for which the Argives claimed a periodical sacrifice from Epidaurus. The ground of the claim was perhaps obsolete : the offering had been intermitted, and Argos now took up arms in behalf of the god. The return of the month, which, on account of the festival of the Carnea, was held sacred by the Dorian tribes, afforded the Argives an opportunity of attacking their weaker neighbours when their allies would be prevented from protecting them. The month, indeed, was sacred gion would not have permitted them to set out among the Argives themselves, and their relion the expedition in the course of it; but it did not oblige them to suspend operations which they might have already begun during the preceding month in an enemy's country. In order, therefore, to reap the full benefit which they hoped for from the superstition of others, without sacrificing their own, they resolved to invade the territory of Epidaurus just before the In the beginning of 419, the Boeotians gave a proof of their zeal in the cause of their allies, which indicated both how little reliance they placed on the continuance of peace, and how low Sparta had sunk in their estimation. In the preceding winter, the colonists at the Trachinean Heraclea had been attacked by the united forces of several neighbouring tribes, and been defeated in battle with a great loss. The colony was reduced by this blow to ex-beginning of the Carnean month. Yet it seems treme weakness, and was unable to repel its enemies; and its distress was aggravated by the unwise administration of the Lacedæmonian governor, Hegesippidas. The Boeotian government feared that Athens might take the opportunity of seizing a place so important for the security of her northern possessions; and that some intelligence of their design bad reach- the month. INVASION OF EPIDAURUS. Perhaps it was found that there would not be mained any longer a passive spectator of the time to spare for this purpose before the end of evils which Epidaurus was suffering in its At Leuctra the sacrifices did not cause, it would soon see itself abandoned by now wavering. It sent a summons to the Boopermit Agis to cross the frontier, and he led the smaller Peloponnesian states, which were his troops back, but sent a summons round to the allies to get their forces in readiness for an tians and its other more distant allies to asexpedition as soon as the sacred month should semble their contingents at Phlius; and, about have expired. The Argives no sooner heard the middle of the summer, Agis, with the whole of his retreat than they began their march-on force of Sparta, together with those of the Tea day which they had always been used to keep geans and the other Arcadian allies, marched holy-and made an irruption, with the usual to join them. The Argives had early intelliravages, into the Epidaurian territory. The gence of this expedition, and, having united Epidaurians implored the aid of their allies; their forces with those of Mantinea, and 3000 but the sacred month was now so near that it Eleans, proceeded across Arcadia to intercept afforded some a pretext for remaining inactive, the Lacedæmonian army before it should reach and arrested the march of others when they Phlius, and come up with it near Methydrium; but Agis, breaking up in the night, eluded the had reached the border. In the mean while a congress met at Mantinea, summoned by the enemy and joined his allies at Phlius; and the Athenians, and attended by envoys from Co- Argives marched back to defend their own terrinth, to renew the negotiations which had ritory, which they expected would be invaded been broken off the year before by the earth- by the road leading from Nemea into the plain quake; but the Corinthian Euphamidas took of Argos, and posted themselves not far from an early occasion to protest against the conduct the pass. The army assembled at Phlius was, of the Argives, who were prosecuting hostilities both in numbers and for the quality of the against Epidaurus, while their allies were treat- troops, the finest, Thucydides says, that had ing at Mantinea, and insisted that, before any ever been collected in Greece. But Agis refarther discussion took place, the Epidaurians solved to distract the enemy's attention by dishould be delivered from their enemy's pres-viding his forces. He himself, with one divisThe allies of Argos could not help complying with this demand, and the Argives were induced to withdraw their forces. But, as the debates of the congress led to no conclusion, they repeated their invasion of Epidaurus; and they were not interrupted by the Spartans, who again marched as far as the frontier at Caryæ, but were again turned back, as they professed, by the aspect of the victims-really, perhaps, to avoid coming into collision with the Athenians, who sent Alcibiades, with a thousand men, to support the Argives. He returned when he heard of the retreat of the Spartans, and the Argive forces which had marched home on the news of the Spartan preparations were left at liberty to renew their inroads. ence. ion, consisting of Lacedæmonians, Arcadians, and Epidaurians, descended, by a rugged pass, over Mount Lyrceum upon the western side of the Argolic plain, which he began to ravage; another corps, which included the Boeotians, Megarians, and Sicyonians, with whom was the whole of the cavalry, was ordered to take the road through Nemea, on which they expected to find the enemy; the third division, composed of the contingents of Corinth, Phlius, and Pellene, was to come down upon the plain by another steep pass from the north. The result of these operations was nearly what Agis designed. The Argives, who, as soon as they their position to seek him, found themselves heard that he had entered the plain, quitted separated from their city by his troops, while the two other divisions of his army threatened the Athenians, who were to have brought a their flank and rear. They had no cavalry, for squadron, had not yet arrived. To a discerning eye their situation appeared alarming and almost desperate; yet it was not generally viewed in this light by the army itself, which fancied that the Lacedæmonians, being cooped er jeopardy. But Thrasyllus, one of the genup between it and the city, were in much greatthe ties of public hospitality with Sparta, were erals, and Alciphron, an Argive connected by either ignorant of the prevailing opinion, or thought the danger so pressing that they might safely neglect it, or generously resolved to sacrifice themselves for the public good, and, just as battle was about to be joined, without consulting any of their countrymen, obtained an interview with Agis, and, holding out to him the prospect of a permanent peace, prevailed on him to grant a truce of four months to the Argives, to afford time for negotiation. Agis having only communicated it to one of the himself took this step upon his own discretion, But the Spartan government now began to ephors who was in the camp, and immediately, feel that some exertion was necessary to main-without disclosing his motives to any of his alLain its credit, and to apprehend that, if it re- lies, drew off his forces. His authority could VOL. I.-E EE But though the Spartan government was not prepared for coming immediately to an open breach with Athens, it was desirous of saving Epidaurus, and, in the autumn, found means of sending 300 men by sea to its relief. The Argives immediately made a complaint at Athens, insisting that, by the late treaty, the Athenians were bound to prevent the passage of these troops over the sea, which was their own; and they required, by way of satisfaction, that the Messenian garrison should be brought back to Pylus. Alcibiades supported this demand, and prevailed upon the people not only to grant it, but to order a declaration to be annexed at the foot of the treaty with Sparta, on the stone pillar on which it was inscribed at Athens, that The the Spartans had broken their covenant. Argives continued, throughout the winter, to harass the Epidaurians with repeated incursions, and, towards the spring of 418, attempted to take their town by escalade, in the hope of finding them too weak or too much occupied with the defence of their territory to resist; but the assailants were baffled by the vigour of the citizens or of the Spartan garrison. |