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this discovery may at first excite will abate upon him; but Hermippus assailed him with real when we reflect on the circumstances and the malignity, both in and out of the theatre, and on temper in which the comic poets found their his tenderest side. We find that he was repeataudience. It was not a time or place, nor were edly brought upon the stage, as was Myronides,* men in the humour for any serious thought. and probably most of his eminent contemporaThey cared little at whose expense the laugh ries. His person, however, was not one which was raised, whether it was at their neighbour's easily lent itself to ridicule; the slight peculiarior their own, nor even if it was at that of the ty in the conformation of his head afforded matstate or the gods. When the holydays were ter for some harmless pleasantry, but, altogethover, they returned to their ordinary pursuits in er, he was too dignified and too elevated a pertheir habitual mood, and the gay lessons which sonage to be placed in a ludicrous point of view. they had just received were soon effaced from He had much more reason to dread the effect their memories by the business of the day. of exaggerated descriptions of his power and The boldness and impunity of the poets seem, place in the commonwealth; so it appears that in fact, to have been the consequence of their no title was more frequently bestowed upon felt and acknowledged harmlessness. Nothing him than that of the Father of the Gods, whose shows more clearly how little importance was sovereignty he represented by his absolute sway attached to their ridicule, than that they were over the Athenian state. He was still more dispermitted to level it not only against all that tinctly called by Cratinus the greatest of tyrants, was most exalted in the state, but against all the eldest born of Time and Faction. His friends that was most sacred in religion. What they were sometimes described by the odious name had most to fear from was, perhaps, the resent- of Pisistratids; he was called upon to swear ment of powerful individuals, who were the ob- that he would not assume the tyranny; and ject of their attacks; but against this they were Teleclides endeavoured to alarm the jealousy sheltered by the aegis of the laws, by the favour of the people by reminding it that all the power of the public, and by their own means of retali- which Athens exercised over Greece was lodged ation; and, though it is impossible that private in his hands. The longer, however, he enfeelings should not sometimes have been deep-joyed the public confidence, the less he was lialy stung by the poignancy of their wit, we must ble to be hurt by these general insinuations. not measure the irritation which it produced by But his private life presented some vulnerable our modern sensibility. The Greeks, and the points, through which his adversaries were able ancients in general, were much more callous to to strike more dangerous blows, which, though the impression of words, and could patiently they did not permanently affect his influence or endure language which would now be deemed his reputation, must, for a time, have put his an intolerable insult. There is only one fact equanimity to a hard trial, and threatened to which may seem to indicate that the importance destroy his domestic happiness. of comedy was, if not greater than we here represent it, at least sometimes differently estimated It is related that, while the power of Pericles was at its height (B.C. 440), a law was passed to restrain the exhibition of comedy; but we know neither the occasion which gave rise to it, nor the precise nature and extent of its enactments. All that is certain is that it remained in force no more than two or three years, and that it was entirely repealed; and no attempt of the same kind seems to have been made as long as Athens preserved her political independence.

The public works which were undertaken through the advice of Pericles were executed under his inspection; the choice of the artists employed and of the plans adopted was probably intrusted, in a great measure, to his judg ment; and the large sums expended on them passed through his hands. This was an office which it was scarcely possible to exercise at Athens without either exciting suspicion or giving a handle for calumny. We find that Cratinus, in one of his comedies, threw out some hints as to the tardiness with which Pericles carried on the third of the Long Walls which he had persuaded the people to begin. "He had been long professing to go on with it, but in fact did not stir a step." Whether the motives to which this delay was imputed were such as to call his integrity into question does not appear; but in time his enemies ventured

first blow was not aimed directly at himself, but was intended to wound him through the side of a friend. Phidias, whose genius was the ruling principle which animated and controlled every design for the ornament of the city, had been brought, as well by conformity of taste as by the nature of his engagements, into an intimate relation with Pericles.

If Pericles himself had been the author of this obscure measure, it is probable that we should have heard something more about it. But though no man at Athens had so much to apprehend from the hostility of the comic poets, or was the object of more frequent attacks from them, his dignity and his prudence would equal-openly to attack him on this ground. Yet the ly have prevented him from taking any notice of them. He must rather have been glad to see the envy and jealousy which he was conscious of exciting find vent in so harmless a way. His character and station would necessarily have rendered him a constant mark for all the comic poets of his day, though they had borne him no ill-will, and had only aimed at amusing the people at his expense. But among them he seems to have had some personal enemies, who probably belonged to the party of his political opponents, and no doubt very seriously wished and endeavoured to injure him in the public estimation. Eupolis and Cratinus, Plato and Teleclides, perhaps contented themselves with bringing their dramatic engines to play

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*Plut., Per., 24.

To

† Στάσις καὶ πρεσβυγενὴς Χρόνος, ἀλλήλοισι μίγεντε, μέσ γιστον τίκτο τον τύραννον, ὃν δὴ κεφαληγερέταν θεοὶ παλέουat. Plut., Per., 3.

† Πόλεών τε φόρους, αὐτάς τε πόλεις, τὰς μὲν δεῖν, τὰς δ' ἀναλύειν, Λάϊνα τείχη, τὰ μὲν οἰκοδομεῖν, τὰ δέ γ' αὐτὰ πάλιν καταβάλλειν, Σπονδὰς, δύναμιν. πράτος, εἰρήνην, πλοῦTOT, coatμoviav Tε. Plut, Per., 16.

4 Plut., Per., 13. Πάλαι γὰρ αὐτὸ Λόγοισι προάγει Περεκλέης, ἔργοισι δ' οὐδὲ κινεῖ.

ruin Phidias was one of the readiest means both of hurting the feelings and of shaking the credit of Pericles. If Phidias could be convicted of a fraud on the public, it would seem an unavoidable inference that Pericles had shared the profit. The ivory statue of the goddess in the Parthenon, which was enriched with massy ornaments of pure gold, appeared to offer a groundwork for a charge which could not easily be refuted. To give it the greater weight, a man named Meno, who had been employed by Phidias in some of the details of the work, was induced to seat himself in the agora with the ensigns of a suppliant, and to implore pardon of the people as the condition of revealing an offence in which he had been an accomplice with Phidias. He accused Phidias of having embezzled a part of the gold which he had re-by the most intimate relation which the laws ceived from the treasury. But this charge immediately fell to the ground through a contrivance which Pericles had adopted for a different end. The golden ornaments had been fixed on the statue in such a manner that they could be taken off without doing it any injury, and thus afforded the means of ascertaining their exact weight. Pericles challenged the accusers of Phidias to use this opportunity of verifying their charge; but they shrank from the application of this decisive test.

for the cultivation of female graces. She had come, it would seem, as an adventurer to Athens, and, by the combined charms of her person, manners, and conversation, won the affections and the esteem of Pericles. Her station had freed her from the restraints which custom laid on the education of the Athenian matron; and she had enriched her mind with accomplishments which were rare even among the men. Her acquaintance with Pericles seems to have begun while he was still united to a lady of high birth, before the wife of the wealthy Hipponicus. We can hardly doubt that it was Aspasia who first disturbed this union, though it is said to have been dissolved by mutual consent. But after parting from his wife, who had borne him two sons, Pericles attached himself to Aspasia permitted him to contract with a foreign woman; and she acquired an ascendency over him which soon became notorious, and furnished the comic poets with an inexhaustible fund of ridicule, and his enemies with a ground for serious charges. On the stage, she was the Hero of the Athenian Zeus, the Omphale, or the Dejanira of an enslaved or a faithless Hercules. The Samian war was ascribed to her interposition on behalf of her birthplace; and rumours were set afloat which represented her as ministering to the vices of Pericles by the most odious and degrading of offices. There was, perhaps, as little foundation for this report as for a similar one in which Phidias was implicated; though, among all the imputations brought against Pericles, this is that which it is the most difficult clearly to refute. But we are inclined to believe that it may have arisen from the pe culiar nature of Aspasia's private circle, which, with a bold neglect of established usage, were composed not only of the most intelligent and accomplished men to be found at Athens, but also of matrons who, it is said, were brought by their husbands to listen to her conversation; which must have been highly instructive as well as brilliant, since Plato did not hesitate to describe her as the preceptress of Socrates. and to assert that she both formed the rhetoric of Pericles and composed one of his most admired harangues. The innovation which drew

Though, however, they were thus baffled in this part of their attempt, they were not abashed or deterred; for they had discovered another ground, which gave them a surer hold on the public mind. Some keen eye had observed two figures, among those with which Phidias had represented the battle between Theseus and the Amazons on the shield of the goddess, in which it detected the portraits of the artist himself, as a bald old man, and that of Pericles in all the comeliness of his graceful person. To the religious feelings of the Athenians, this mode of perpetuating the memory of individuals by connecting their portraits with an object of public worship appeared to violate the sanctity of the place; and it was probably also viewed as an arrogant intrusion, no less offensive to the majesty of the commonwealth. It seems as if Meno's evidence was required even to support this charge. Phidias was committed to prison, and died there. The informer, who was a for-women of free birth and good condition into her eigner, was rewarded with certain immunities, and-as one who, in the service of the state, had provoked a powerful enemy-was placed, by a formal decree, under the protection of the Ten Generals.

company for such a purpose must, even where the truth was understood, have surprised and offended many; and it was liable to the grossest misconstruction. And if her female friends were sometimes seen watching the progress of This success imboldened the enemies of Per- the works of Phidias, it was easy, through his icles to proceed. They had not, indeed, estab-intimacy with Pericles, to connect this fact lished any of their accusations, but they had with a calumny of the same kind. sounded the disposition of the people, and found There was another rumour still more dangerthat it might be inspired with distrust and jealous, which grew out of the character of the perousy of its powerful minister, or that it was not sons who were admitted to the society of Periunwilling to see him humbled. They seem now cles and Aspasia. Athens had become a place to have concerted a plan for attacking him, both of resort for learned and ingenious men of all directly and indirectly, in several quarters at pursuits. None were more welcome at the once; and they began with a person in whose house of Pericles than such as were distinsafety he felt as much concern as in his own, guished by philosophical studies, and especially and who could not be ruined without involving by the profession of new speculative tenets. him in the like calamity. This was the cele- He himself was never weary of discussing such brated Aspasia, who had long attracted almost subjects; and Aspasia was undoubtedly able to as much of the public attention at Athens as bear her part in this, as well as in any other Pericles himself. She was a native of Miletus, which was early and long renowned as a school

Plat., Per., 13.

kind of conversation. The mere presence of | ed his long life in quiet and honour at LampsaAnaxagoras, Zeno, Protagoras, and other celebrated men, who were known to hold doctrines very remote from the religious conceptions of the vulgar, was sufficient to make a circle in which they were familiar pass for a school of impiety. Such were the materials out of which the comic poet Hermippus, laying aside the mask, framed a criminal prosecution against Aspasia. His indictment included two heads: an offence against religion, and that of corrupting Athenian women to gratify the passions of Pericles.

cus. The danger which threatened Aspasia was also averted; but it seems that Pericles, who pleaded her cause, found need for his most strenuous exertions, and that in her behalf he descended to tears and entreaties, which no similar emergency of his own could ever draw from him.* It was, indeed, probably a trial more of his personal influence than of his eloquence; and his success, hardly as it was won, may have induced his adversaries to drop the proceedings instituted against himself, or, at least, to postpone them to a fitter season. AfThis cause seems to have been still pending ter weathering this storm, he seems to have rewhen one Diopithes procured a decree by which covered his former high and firm position, which, persons who denied the being of the gods, or to the end of his life, was never again endangertaught doctrines concerning the celestial bodies ed except by one very transient gust of popular which were inconsistent with religion, were displeasure. He felt strong enough to resist made liable to a certain criminal process.* This the wishes, and to rebuke the impatience of the stroke was aimed immediately at Anaxagoras-people. Yet it was a persuasion so widely whose physical speculations had become fa- spread among the ancients, as to have lasted mous, and were thought to rob the greatest of even to modern times, that his dread of the prosthe heavenly beings of their inherent deity-but ecution which hung over him, and his consciousindirectly at his disciple and patron, Pericles. ness that his expenditure of the public money When the discussion of this decree, and the would not bear a scrutiny, were, at least, among prosecution commenced against Aspasia, had the motives that induced him to kindle the war disposed the people to listen to other less prob- which put an end to the Thirty Years' Truce. able charges, the main attack was opened, and It was sometimes said that this expedition was the accusation, which in the affair of Phidias suggested to him by his young kinsman, Alcibihad been silenced by the force of truth, was re- ades, who, being told that he was thinking how Vived in another form. A decree was passed he should render his account, bade him rather on the motion of one Dracontides, directing Per-think how to avoid rendering it. But though icles to give in his accounts to the Prytanes, this charge has been adopted by a modern writo be submitted to a trial, which was to be con- ter of high authority,† we are unable to discovducted with extraordinary solemnity; for it was er any grounds for it more solid than the asserto be held in the citadel, and the jurors were to tions of the enemies of Pericles, which they take the balls with which each signified his ver- could never establish by legal proof, and which dict from the top of an altar. But this part of are contradicted by the great contemporary histhe decree was afterward modified by an amend-torian, Thucydides, in the most emphatic lanment moved by Agnon, which ordered the cause to be tried in the ordinary way, but by a body of 1500 jurors. The uncertainty of the party which managed these proceedings, and their distrust as to the evidence which they should be able to procure, seem to be strongly marked by a clause in this decree, which provided that the offence imputed to Pericles might be described either as embezzlement, or by a more general name, as coming under the head of public wrong.t

guage with which it was possible to declare his unsullied integrity. Against such a judgment, an ironical allusion in one of Plato's dialogues,‡ which implies that Pericles had been convicted of peculation, might be safely neglected, even if it was less manifest that it arose out of a confusion of dates and circumstances.

CHAPTER XIX.

WAR.

Yet all these machinations failed, at least of reaching their main object. The issue of those CAUSES AND OCCASIONS OF THE PELOPONNESIAN which were directed against Anaxagoras cannot be exactly ascertained through the discrepancy of the accounts given of it. According to some authors, he was tried, and condemned either to a fine and banishment, or to death; but in the latter case he made his escape from prison. According to others, he was defended by Pericles, and acquitted. Plutarch says that Pericles, fearing the event of a trial, induced him to withdraw from Athens; and it seems to have been admitted on all hands that he end

The loayyia, a criminal information, designed to reach offences which were not noticed, or not distinctly described by the law. But as this would, without any decree, have been applicable to the cases mentioned in the text, it would seem that the decree of Diopithes must either have charged certain magistrates to inquire into such offences, or

have offered a reward to an inferior.

1 Εἶτε κλυπῆς καὶ δώρων, εἶτ ̓ ἀδικίας. Plut. Per., 32. : Diog. Laert., Anaxag.

◊ Per., 32. But compare a somewhat different statement

an his Life of Nicias, 23.

VOL. I.-S s

ATHENS had been permitted to complete the conquest of Samos without hinderance; but the addition which this success made to her power rendered it only the more evident that peace could not last much longer between her and the Peloponnesian confederacy. Her ambition, the animosity which she had excited in several of the allies of Sparta, and the jealousy of Sparta herself, had reached such a height, that it was clear the Thirty Years' Truce was much more likely to be violently abridged than to lead to a lasting settlement. Nevertheless, the two leading states, as if foreseeing the ruinous consequences of their conflict, shrank from striking the first blow, as well as from forfeiting the divine favour by a breach of the treaty. Sparta,

*Athen., xii., p. 589.

† Boeckh, St. d. Athen., ii., c. 8.
Gorgias, p. 516, A.

as she had been a quiet spectatress of the fall of Samos, rejected an application which was made to her by the Mitylenæans, who, if they could have reckoned on her aid, would have renounced the Athenian alliance, and would probably have engaged the whole island to join in their revolt. According to Theophrastus, a sum of ten talents, distributed by Pericles every year among the leading Spartans, kept them in a pacific mood. But the expectation which generally prevailed of an approaching renewal of hostilities contributed to hasten the event. Without it the occurrences which immediately occasioned the disastrous war which we are about to relate, either would not have happened, or would have passed by without such an effect. By it they were converted into so many indications of a hostile spirit, which issued in an open and general rupture.

The storm began to gather in a quarter where, perhaps, none had looked for it. The city of Epidamnus had been founded on the eastern side of the Adriatic, on the site of the modern Durazzo, by colonists from Corcyra, who, in compliance with a custom already mentioned, had taken a Corinthian, named Phalius, a Heracleid, for their leader, and had admitted several Corinthians, and other Dorians, to a share in the settlement. The colony became flourishing and populous; but with its growth it unfolded the germes of domestic factions, which at length brought it to the brink of ruin. It was planted in the territory of the Taulantians, an Illyrian tribe, who, regarding the Epidamnians as hostile intruders, gladly took advantage of their internal dissensions to attack them with greater effect. A short time before the events now to be related, the democratical party had expelled the oligarchs. The exiles leagued themselves with the barbarians to infest the city by sea and land. Unable to make head against their combined forces, and reduced to extreme weakness, the party, masters of the city, applied to the parent state, Corcyra, for mediation and succour. The Corcyræans, though at this time themselves under democratical government, turned a deaf ear to the suppliants, who, in their despair, proceeded to consult the Delphic oracle, whether they should transfer their colonial allegiance to Corinth, and should implore her aid.

were known, excited the most vehement indignation. The Corcyræans without delay despatched a squadron of 25 galleys, which was soon backed by another, with orders for the revolted Epidamnians to receive the exiles, and to send away the Corinthian garrison and their new settlers. When obedience was refused, they laid siege to the place, after inviting all who would, natives or foreigners, to quit it unmolested, and threatening all who should remain with hostile treatment.

The Corinthians, on hearing this intelligence, prepared an armament for the relief of their citizens and friends. They raised troops and money, by offering the freedom of Epidamnus to all who would either share the expedition in person, or, remaining at home, would advance a small sum on this security. They also procured the loan of money and ships from some of their allies, and from others both ships and men. They themselves equipped 30 galleys and 3000 heavy-armed troops. The Corcyræans, informed of these preparations, sent envoys to Corinth, who were accompanied by others from Sparta and Sicyon, to propose that the Corinthians should either withdraw their people from Epidamnus, or, if they pretended to any right in the colony, should refer their claims to the decision of some neutral state, or of the Delphic oracle. The Corinthians would only consent on condition that the Corcyræans should, in the mean time, raise the siege, and withdraw their ships and the Illyrians whom they employed on the land side. The Corcyræans were willing to do this if the Corinthians would evacuate the place; or they would have stopped the siege until the question should have been peacefully decided; but the Corinthians would accept neither proposal, and, their armament being now collected, sent a herald to declare war against Corcyra, and set sail, with a fleet of 75 ships and 2000 heavy-armed, for the relief of Epidamnus. When they had reached the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf, they were met by a herald, sent in a boat by the Corcyræans, to forbid them to advance farther; a message which was of course disregarded. In the mean while the Corcyræans manned all their galleys which were fit for service, amounting to eighty sail, and put out to meet the enemy. The Corinthians were totally defeated, with the loss of fifteen ships, and returned home, leaving the Corcyræans masters of the sea. The victorious fleet sailed first to the Corinthian colony, Leucas, where the troops ravaged the land, and then to Cyllene, the arsenal of the Eleans, which was burned, in revenge for the aid which Elis had furnished to the Corinthians. The allies of Corinth on the

With the sanction of the god, they formally surrendered the colony to the Corinthians and claimed their protection. The Corinthians, not displeased with an opportunity of at once strengthening themselves, and indulging the hatred which they had long harboured against the Corcyræans who had provoked the jealousy of the mother city, and withheld the usual tokens of filial respect-accepted the offer, and grant-western coast were so infested by the Coreyed the petition of the distressed Epidamnians, ræans, that the Corinthians were obliged, in the though belonging to a party adverse to their course of the summer, to send out another fleet own political institutions. They forthwith sent to protect them, which continued to watch the a force, consisting partly of Corinthians, partly enemy's movements, sometimes from Actium, of Ambracians and Leucadians, to garrison Epi- and sometimes from Chimerium in Thesprotia. damnus, and invited all who might be willing But though the Corcyræans took a station at the to go and settle there. The troops went over opposite headland of Leucimne, no offer of batland through fear of hinderance from the Corcy-tle was made on either side, and on the approach ræans. But in the mean while the exiled Epidamnians had been pleading their cause at Corcyra, where the proceedings of their adversaries and of the Corinthians, as soon as they Plut., Per., 23.

of winter both returned home. On the day on which the Corcyræans gained their naval victory, Epidamnus surrendered to the besiegers, on condition that the settlers should be sold as slaves, and the Corinthians kept in prison du

into acts of open hostility against their enemies. It would be impolitic in the Athenians, who depend so much on the fidelity of their subjects, to countenance the revolt of an unnatural colony; and it would be ungrateful towards the Corinthians, who, when the Samians solicited the protection of the Peloponnesians, maintainnow urge, on their own behalf, in favour of Athens. Nor ought the Athenians to forget the services which Corinth once rendered them in their war with Egina. "The war which the Corcyræans describe as immediately impending, to hurry you into an act of unjust aggression, is still uncertain, and may be most probably averted by a seasonable display of friendly feelings, which may heal the offence we took at your conduct in the affair of Megara."

ring the pleasure of the conquerors. The Corcyræans appear to have been a sharp-sighted and calculating people. We have seen how carefully they watched over their own safety, and how little concern they showed for the interests of the other Greeks in the Persian war. Since then it had been their maxim to enter into no alliances with other states, and especi-ed the same principle of neutrality, which they ally to keep aloof from the two great confederacies over which Sparta and Athens presided, thinking, perhaps, that, as their position and naval power made them independent of their neighbours, they had nothing to gain from the one, and might suffer some harm from the other. But their contest with Corinth, though thus far fortune had favoured them, compelled them to alter their policy. The Corinthians, burning to revenge their humiliating defeat, spent two years in new preparations for prosecuting the Two assemblies were held on the question war. The Corcyræans were alarmed at the The Athenians did not wish to break their prospect of having to withstand them alone, treaty; but, as they perceived war to be ineviand came to the resolution of resorting for as-table, they were equally unwilling to abandon sistance to Athens. Their envoys there met the Corcyræan navy to the Corinthians, and, those of the Corinthians, who, apprized oft heir most of all, desired to see the two states, which, intention, hoped to frustrate it. On this, as on next to their own, possessed the greatest marimany other occasions in the course of his his-time power, wasting their strength in a strugtory, Thucydides has inserted in his narrative two elaborate orations, as if delivered by the rival ambassadors before the Athenian assembly. But he has previously warned his readers that the speeches thus introduced contain, at the utmost, no more than the substance of the arguments really used on both sides, and sometimes only those which he deemed appropriate to the occasion and the parties. Though, viewed in either light, they are almost equally interesting, we shall only be able to afford room for very sparing notice of their contents.

gle from which they themselves stood aloof. With these views, they concluded a treaty of defensive alliance with Corcyra, by which each party was bound to assist the other only in case an attack should be made on its territory or on that of its allies; and, in pursuance of the same policy, not long after, ten ships were sent, under the command of Lacedæmonius, son of Cimon, and two other officers, to the assistance of the Corcyræans, with orders not to act against the Corinthians unless they should invade Corcyra. A foolish anecdote attributed the scantiness of this force to the jealousy of Pericles towards the son of Cimon.

The Corcyræan orator relies chiefly on the advantage which Athens will derive from an alliance with a state possessing so powerful a The preparations which the Corinthians had marine, and occupying so important a situation been making from the time of their defeat now with respect to the western regions, towards enabled them, with the help of their allies, Elis, which the views of the Athenians had for some Megara, Leucas, Ambracia, and Anactorium, to time been directed. This advantage, he alle- send out a fleet of 150 galleys, which proceeded ges, will be obtained, without any breach of faith to the Thesprotian port Chimerium, where they or justice, by an honourable interposition on be- encamped, and were joined by a considerable half of an injured and oppressed people. The number of the Epirots, who were generally terms of the treaty between Athens and the friendly to them. The Corcyræans, whose force Peloponnesian confederacy permit either party amounted to 110 galleys, took their station, to receive any state not already in league with with the ten from Athens, at a little islandthe other into its alliance. "The time is near one of a group called Sybota, or the swine pasat hand when you will know the value of such tures-while their troops, re-enforced by 1000 an accession as we can bring to your naval pow-heavy-armed Zacynthians, were encamped on er, and will bitterly regret its loss if you suffer it to fall into the hands of the Corinthians, who are no less your enemies than ours. War with Sparta is inevitable, and cannot long be kept off; the only question is, whether, when it comes, Corcyra shall be against you, or on your side."

A few days

their own coast at Leucimne.
after, the two fleets met in order of battle, the
Corinthians, in the left of their own line, being
opposed to the ten Attic ships, which were
placed at the extremity of the Corcyræan right

The engagement which ensued-the greatest, Thucydides observes, that had taken place between Greeks to that day-was, however, more

The Corinthian, in answer, endeavours to excite distrust and aversion towards the Corcy-like a battle on shore than a seafight. For on ræans, by imputing their neutral policy to sordid motives, and charging them with unjust and undutiful conduct towards their parent state. He contends that the Athenians cannot receive the Corcyræans into their alliance without violating the spirit of their treaty with Corinth, and cangot afford them succour without being drawn

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both sides, according to the ancient practice, the decks were crowded with heavy-armed troops, and archers, and dartmen, and, after the first onset, the ships, for the most part, remained wedged together in a compact mass, on which the men fought as on firm ground, no room being left for the diccplus, the evolution which was the chief display of skill in the naval warfare of the Greeks, by which the enemy's

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