cours, and at the same time laid down the gen- | put forth more of their strength. A squadron eral principle that every state had a right to of forty galleys, under three eminent commandpunish its offending allies.* Whether, in fact, ers, Hagnon, Phormio, and Thucydides,* was the Corinthians apprehended that the lending followed by one of twenty sail under Tlepoleassistance to the revolted Samians might prove mus and Anticles, and this by thirty others from a precedent attended with dangerous conse- Chios and Lesbos. Yet even this overpowerquences to the system which they themselves ing force did not deter the Samians, though observed towards their colonies, or they only the succours expected from Phoenicia did not put the principle forward as a pretext to cover arrive, from venturing on another seafight, the unwillingness which they may have felt on which was soon decided, so as to leave them other accounts to break the truce so early, is a no means of doing more than remain on the dequestion of little importance. But, under all the fensive. They, however, held out nine months, circumstances of the case, to treat the Samians and seem at last to have been reduced to capitas rebels, in an assembly where every one pres-ulate by famine, though Pericles is said to have ent avowedly wished well to their cause, was employed some new kinds of artillery,† and to certainly a large admission in favour of the high- have harassed the besieged by a continual sucest pretensions that Athens had ever maintain- cession of attacks, which may also have served ed as to the extent of her supremacy. to divert the impatience of his own troops, among whom, if we may believe the statement of a later author, plenty and security seem to have bred an unusual degree of luxury and dissoluteness. The terms which the Samians obtained may be considered as mild, especially if, as Plutarch relates, the two parties had been so far exasperated as mutually to brand their prisoners. They were compelled to dismantle their fortifications, to deliver up their ships, and to pay the cost of the siege by instalments. The submission of Byzantium, which does not seem to have taken an active part in the war, followed close upon the reduction of Samos. These deliberations, if begun, were probably not at an end before Pericles, accompanied by nine colleagues, had crossed the sea with a fleet of sixty sail to suppress the insurrection. They had learned that a fleet was expected to come to the assistance of the Samians from Phoenicia, and some galleys were sent to look out for it, while another small squadron was despatched to bring up the re-enforcements to be furnished by Chios and Lesbos. Though his numbers were reduced by these detachments to forty-four galleys, Pericles did not shrink from engaging with a Samian fleet of seventy, including twenty transports, as it was returning from Miletus, and gained a victory. Shortly after he received an addition to his forces of forty ships from Athens, and five-and-twenty from Chios and Lesbos, which enabled him to land a body of troops sufficient to drive the enemy into the town, and to invest it with a triple line of intrenchments. Yet it appears that, even after the siege was formed, another seafight took place, in which the Samians, who were commanded by the philosopher Melissus,† were victorious. The advantage, however, must have been very slight, or soon followed by a reverse; for we find that, while the hopes of the Samians rested on the Phoenician fleet, and they despatched five galleys to hasten its movements, Pericles thought himself strong enough to take sixty ships and sail along the coast of Caria to meet the expected enemy. The Phoenicians did not come up; but during his absence the besieged drew out their remaining galleys, and surprised the naval encampment of the Athenians, sank their guardships, and defeated the rest, which were brought out in disorder to repel the sudden attack. This success made them masters of the sea, and enabled them to introduce supplies into the town. They retained the ascendant fourteen days; it was, perhaps, nearly so long before the Athenians were able to convey the news to Pericles. On his return, the state of things was reversed, and the Samians once more closely besieged. But the effort they had made seems to have excited some alarm at Athens, and to have induced the Athenians to * Thot, i., 40. + See p. 214 It is on the authority of Aristotle that Plutarch, Per., 26, relates this fact, of which Thucydides does not give the slightest hint, and, but for the extreme brevity of his narrative, he might seem to contradict it. Brandis (Handbuch der Geschichte der Griechisch-Roemischen Philosophie, L., p. 397) suggests a doubt whether this Melissus was the philosopher. Pericles, on his return to Athens, was greeted with extraordinary honours. The whole merit of the success was ascribed to him, and he is said exultingly to have compared the issue of his nine months' siege with the conquest which had cost Agamemnon ten years. The contest had at one time assumed a threatening aspect; and Thucydides himself seems to intimate that the result might have been very different if the Samians had been better supported. In the funeral obsequies with which the citizens who had fallen before Samos were honoured, according to a usage which had been introduced It is a very doubtful point who this Thucydides was. That he was the historian himself seems highly improbable, not only because he would most likely have given some hint of his presence, but because we might then have expected a somewhat fuller account of the siege. On the other hand, the son of Melesias had been ostracised less than ten years before. Yet it seems easier to suppose that the term of his exile had been abridged, than that the officer mentioned on this occasion was a person otherwise unknown. + Invented, according to Ephorus (Plut., Per., 27), by a lame engineer of Clazomena, named Artemo, who, from his being carried about in a litter, was distinguished by the epthe ground that a person of the same name and epithet was ithet Пep popnтos. But Heraclides disputed the fact on mentioned by Anacreon (compare Athenæus, xii., 46), and was also celebrated for mechanical contrivances. The coincidence would, indeed, be singular, but might be credible, if the two persons belonged to the same family. See the account of the statue of Aphrodite at Samos, quoted from Alexis, a Samian writer, by Athenæus, xiii., p. 572. Plutarch represents the Athenians as the aggressors. They branded their prisoners with the figure of a kind of merchant ship, used at Samos, and called a Samena. The Samians branded the Athenians with the figure of an owl. The irritation of the Samians found vent afterward in the writings of their countryman Duris, who charged the Athemians and Pericles with atrocious inhumanity towards their prisoners. Thuc., i., 117. Diodorus, xii., 28, mentions 200 talents as the sum at which Pericles estimated the expenses of the siege. But this is manifestly much too little, and one might almost suspect that the words, xai xixiv, had dropped either out of his text, or out of his head. Compare Isocr. úvrið., p. 446, Bekker. viii., 76 At at Athens in the Persian war,* Pericles was most enlightened, both of nations and of Indi- The event of the Samian war gave the sanction of success to the claim which Athens advanced of absolute authority over her allies. It established the fact that the name alliance, so far as it signified a relation of equality, or any degree of subordination short of entire subjection to the will of the ruling state, was a mere mockery. The question of right could not, indeed, be so determined. But the aid which Chios and Lesbos - the only members of the confederacy which retained either a show of independence or the means of asserting it—had lent towards the suppression of the Samian revolt, and, still more, the acquiescence of Sparta and her allies, interpreted by the language in which a part of them expressly recognised the title of Athens to the sovereignty which she claimed, might seem to attest the justice of her cause. Nor would it have been difficult to find arguments-had they been wanted-to satisfy the scruples of the Athenians. Though the league over which they presided had been originally formed with the free consent of all parties, it might be speciously contended that none of its members had a right to endanger the safety of the rest by withdrawing from it. Athens had been compelled to repress several attempts which had been made with this object by force; and the resentment and jealousy which she had thus excited constrained her to take up a new position, to treat all her allies as her subjects, and to acknowledge no obligations towards them except the duty of protecting them, which was included in that of maintaining and strength-believe Plutarch, Pericles also expelled the ening her maritime empire. One important conclusion which resulted from this view of her situation was, that she owed her confederates no account of the treasure which she drew from them; that it might be legitimately applied to purposes foreign to those for which it had been at first contributed, and that, even if a part of it was laid out in a manner which could benefit none but the Athenian people, these might be considered as the savings of its prudence or as the earnings of its valour, for which it was not responsible, and which it might use or enjoy as seemed fit to itself. Such, perhaps, was the nature of the arguments by which Pericles silenced the opposition of Thucydides and his party, when they urged that the transfer of the common treasure from Delos to Athens could not affect its character, or discharge the Athenians from the engagement by which they were bound to employ it for public ends. The sophistry was not too gross to have blinded the Diodorus, xi., 33. The Scholiast on Thucydides, ii.. 35, attributes the institution to Solon, probably because he did not know of any other legislator whom his author could be alluding to. † οὐκ ἂν μύροισι γραὺς ἐοῦσ ̓ ἀλείφεο. Thus the north of Euboea was protected by a colony of 2000 Athenians, who were planted in the new town of Oreus, which rose into the place of the depopulated Histiæa. If we might landowners of Chalcis, who seem to have returned to their ancient seats after they had been evacuated by the Athenians in the Persian war, and were perhaps permitted to retain possession of them, subject to tribute. If Pericles ejected them when he conquered Euboea, it must have been to make room for Athenian settlers. But the relation which we find after ward subsisting between Chalcis and Athens does not allow us to consider the former as ar Athenian colony; and we therefore cannot be lieve that the measure spoken of by Plutarch extended beyond the confiscation of some estates. The submission of Naxos was secured by a colony of 500 Athenians, who were probably provided for at the expense of the more obnoxious of the islanders. Andros afforded a new home and subsistence for half as many Athenian settlers. A thousand were tempted by the offer of land in the territory of the Bisal * Κληρούχοι, thus distinguished from ἄποικοι, colonista parted from the mother-country. †Theopompus in Strabo, x., p. 445, rdv 'Spedv—dñmor ὄντα πρότερον τῶν Ιστιαιέων. Wachsmuth, i., 1. Appendix, 13. struction of their city had taken refuge in their colony of Laos, and in Scidrus, which had probably also belonged to them, and seem to have made no attempt to recover their ancient seats. But the children and grandchildren of these exiles appear to have engaged a body of adven tian Thracians. As many more found room | the ambitious hopes which it suggested or cherin the Thracian Chersonesus, and thus served ished. The Sybarites who survived the deto guard that important conquest, and to protect the Athenian commerce in that quarter. Among these settlements there are some which deserve more particular notice, either on account of their connexion with subsequent events in this history, or as indications of the large views and aspiring thoughts which now direct-turers from Thessaly* to join them in effecting ed the Athenian counsels. The failure and loss which the Athenians had experienced in their attempt to establish themselves on the Strymon, at the Nine Ways, did not deter them from renewing the enterprise. In the twenty-ninth year after the disaster at Drabescus, B.C. 437, Hagnon, son of Nicias, having collected a sufficient force at Eion, of which the Athenians still retained possession, succeeded in finally dislodging the Edonians from the site of his intended colony, and founded a new city, to which, from its situation-on a spur of Mount Pangæon, commanding an extensive view both towards the coast and into the interior, between two reaches of the Strymon, which he connected together by a long wall carried across the hill at the back of the townf-he gave the name of Amphipolis. Hagnon enjoyed the honours of a founder as long as Athens retained any hold on the affection or respect of the colony. But the number of the Athenian settlers, as was to be expected from the perilous nature of the adventure, seems to have been originally small, and never to have formed a considerable part of the population. a settlement on the vacant site of Sybaris, which was thus restored fifty-eight years after its fall. The new colony very soon roused the jealousy of Croton, or was found to encroach upon her interests, and at the end of five or six years the settlers were forced to quit their new home. They did not, however, remain passive under this violence, but sent envoys to Sparta and Athens to solicit aid for the renewal of their attempt. Sparta saw no benefit that she could derive from the undertaking, and declined to take a part in it. But at Athens the proposals of the envoys were seconded by Pericles, and warmly embraced by the people. Ten commissioners were sent out, among whom was a celebrated diviner named Lampon, a man of eminent skill in the interpretation of oracles and the regulation of sacred rites. An oracle was procured exactly suited to the purpose of the leaders of the expedition, and under its guidance a new town was built with geometrical regularity,‡ at a short distance from the site of the old city, and called Thurium, or Thurii, from a fountain which rose there. Two very celebrated persons, Herodotus the historian, In the course of an expedition which Pericles and the orator Lysias, were among the settlers. conducted in person into the Euxine, at the They were both foreigners; for the Athenians head of a large and gallant armament, for the had invited adventurers from all parts of Greece, purpose of displaying the power of Athens, and and particularly from Peloponnesus, to share strengthening her influence among the cities the risks and the advantages of the expedition. and nations on those coasts, an opportunity pre- The miscellaneous character of the population sented itself of gaining possession of Sinope. led to quarrels, which, for a while, gave a vioThe city was distracted by a civil war between lent shock to the peace of the colony. The dethe partisans and the adversaries of the tyrant scendants of the ancient Sybarites put forward Timesilaus; and as Miletus was no longer able ridiculous pretensions of superiority over the to interfere in the affairs of her colony, the new comers. They claimed the exclusive enfriends of liberty applied to Pericles for assist-joyment of the most important offices of the ance. Being unable to remain long enough to bring the contest to a close, he left thirteen galleys under the command of Lamachus, a brave officer, whose name will be made familiar to us by a long and active career. The tyrant and his adherents were expelled, and the successful party invited a body of 600 Athenians to share the freedom of the city and the confiscated estates of the exiles. It may have been at the same period that Amisus admitted so great a number of Athenians among her citizens, that in the time of Mithridates the whole population was considered as an Attic race. The fall of Sybaris made an opening for an Athenian colony in the west, which, though not very important in itself, is interesting for the circum-made them fall there the victims of their arrostances under which it rose, for the celebrated names which were connected with it, and for The exact place is not mentioned. Their land lay to the south of the Strymon. This colony was probably connected with the foundation of Amphipolis; perhaps the 'Ayvuveia of Steph. B. See Dr. Arnold in the Appendix to Thucydides, vol. ii., on the neighbourhood of Amphipolis. 1 Appian, Mithrid, 8, calls it modey 'ATTIKOй yέvous, and, fbid., 63, says that Lucullus heard in' 'A0nvalwv abrous Βαλασσοκρατούντων συνωκίσθαι. state; in the division of the territory they insisted on being allowed to choose the parcels of land which lay nearest the city; and in public sacrifices they would have their kinswomen take precedence of the other women. Such were not the terms on which the new citizens had accepted their invitation; they were indignant at the insolence of this aristocracy, which, though entirely dependant on their help, treated them as an inferior race; their resentment at length broke out into a furious attack, by which the whole of this last remnant of the ill-fated people is said to have been exterminated; examples of a tragical destiny, which, after restoring them unexpectedly to their own soil, * Diodor., xii., 10; hut xi, 90, he only speaks of a leader named Thessalus. Wesseling prefers the first of these statements, but assigns no reason for his minus commodė, with which he rejects the latter. † B.C. 452. See Wesseling on Diodor., tom. i., p. 484, 53. There were four main streets-the Heraclea, the Aphrodisias, the Olympias, and the Dionysias-crossed at right angles by three called Heroa, Thuria, and Thurina. Singular that none took a name connected with Athens, especially if, as Mueller conjectures (Dor., iv., 1., 1), Hippodamus was the architect Is there any mistake as to the last two? his accession to power an epoch no less important in the history of the arts than in that of Attica itself. gance. After this event the remaining Thurians tage which a large body of citizens derived from recruited their forces by a fresh band of adven- the pay, which probably supported them during turers from Greece, who were invited to join the remainder of the year. But still more amthem upon terms of perfect civil and political ple employment was furnished to the poorer equality. In imitation, perhaps, of the Athenian class by the great works which were undertainstitutions, they distributed themselves into ken at the proposal of Pericles, and carried on ten tribes, which were named after the different under his eye, for the defence and the embelnations of which the colony was composed.lishment of the city, and which have rendered Four of these tribes, which took their names from Athens, Ionia, Euboea, and the islands, may, perhaps, be considered as a measure of the utmost influence which Athens could exert The great plan of Themistocles, which Chmon there. Of the rest, three represented Pelopon- had prosecuted by the erection of the Long nesus,* three the north of Greece. They Walls, was completed under the administration maintained peace with Croton the more easily, of Pericles, by the construction of a third wall no doubt, for the destruction of the Sybarites; within the two first built, which ran parallel and enriched themselves by the industrious cultiva- near to that which joined the city to Piræus, tion of their fertile and equally divided territory, and served the purpose of keeping the commuand provided for domestic order and tranquillity nication open, even if either of the outer walls by borrowing the institutions of Charondas. We happened to be surprised by an enemy.* The learn from Strabot that some Athenians took a ravages of the Persians, and the gratitude due part in the settlement of the new Parthenope to the gods who had delivered the city, imposed (Neapolis), a colony of Cuma and the adjacent a religious obligation of replacing the defaced islands. Niebuhr conjectures that it was or demolished temples at Athens, Eleusis, and founded at about the same time with Thurii. in other parts of Attica, and of adding new ones, And it seems probable that though Pericles may all on a scale of magnificence corresponding to have promoted these enterprises without any the increased power and opulence of the state. other object than that of prosecuting the policy The whole summit of the Rock was covered which has been already described, there were with sacred buildings and monuments, among ardent spirits at Athens who viewed these west- which the greater temple of the tutelary godern settlements as steps towards the accom-dess, the Parthenon, rose supreme in majesty plishment of a vast scheme, which, according and beauty. An ornamental fortification, callto Plutarch, was already floating as a day-ed the Propylæa, which covered the western dream in the minds of some political speculators, and which embraced Sicily, Etruria, and Carthage itself, as possible additions to the Athenian empire. side-the only one not quite precipitous-of the citadel, formed an approach worthy of the marvellous scene to which it gave access. Edifices of a different kind were required, as well for the theatrical and musical entertainments of the people as for the reception of multitudes assembled on graver occasions. A theatre adapted to this purpose, as well as to the new form of the drama, had been begun before the time of Pericles. He added one designed for the performance of music, thence called the Odeum, with a pointed roof, shaped, it is said, in imitation of the tent of Xerxes, and constructed out of the masts of Persian ships. In the planning and adorning of these buildings, some of the greatest architects and sculptors Greece ever produced-the unrivalled Phidias, with his two scholars, Alcamenes and Agoracritus, Ictinus, and Callicrates, † Mnesicles, Callimachus,& Corobus,|| Metagenes, Xenocles, and othersfound ample exercise for their genius and talents. But, according to Greek usages and taste, architecture and sculpture were intimately allied with a long train of subordinate arts, which gave employment to the skill and ingenuity of a multitude of inferior workmen. Thus not only was the colossal image of the goddess The anxiety of Pericles to raise the value of the Athenian franchise was still more distinctly proved by a law which he caused to be enacted at an early period in his administration, confining the rights of citizenship to persons whose parents were both Athenians. This law was not called into extensive operation before the year B.C. 444, nearly at the same time with the foundation of Thurii. But this year the Libyan prince, Psammetichus, who was master of a large part of Lower Egypt, having sent a present of corn to be distributed among the Athenian people, a rigid scrutiny was instituted to try the titles of those who claimed a share of the largess. The result was, that nearly 5000 persons were declared to be aliens, and, it is said, suffered the penalty appointed by a rigorous law for those who usurped the privileges of a citizen, being sold as slaves. The number of the citizens who passed through this ordeal amounted to very little more than 14,000. But even after this reduction, and while the colonies were drawing off a part of the residue, Pericles was obliged to make it one of his leading objects to provide for the subsistence of those who were left; and the extraordinary expenditure which he directed was destined mainly, though not exclusively, to this purpose. Thus a squadron of sixty galleys was sent out every year, and was kept at sea eight months, partly, indeed, to keep the crews in training, ♦ Inventor, according to Vitruvius, of the Corinthian or but not without a distinct view to the advan-der, he also executed a golden lamp and a brazen palm (Thucyd., ii., 13) and Mueller (Ersch and Grueber's En- 1 Architect of the Propylaa. tree for the temple of Athene Polias. He began the temple at Eleusis, which was continued by Metagenes. He added the roof with a circular aperture (omatov) to the 'Ανάκτορον. money, which exhibit the administration of Pericles in a much less favourable light, because they appear to serve no higher end than a temporary gratification of individuals, by which they were as little benefited as the state itself. It was, as we have seen, in his competition with Cimon for public favour, and to counteract the disadvantage under which he was placed by the slenderness of his private fortune, that Pericles was induced to adopt these measures. But this motive cannot be admitted as an excuse for his conduct, if he courted popularity to the manifest detriment of the common weal. And this is a charge from which it is scarcely possible wholly to acquit him. But, on the other hand, he seems to have been often too harshly judged, and to have borne the blame of a later state of things, which, though it arose out of his system, was not a necessary result of it, and was one which he could not easily have foreseen. which was the principal object of worship in were finished in five years. During the whole the Parthenon-formed of ivory and gold, but period of this extraordinary activity there must the same precious metal was profusely employ-have been a comparative scarcity of labour at ed in the decoration of the sculptures which Athens. adorned the exterior of the temple, and which We shall shortly return to this subject for the were also relieved by the most brilliant colours. purpose of presenting it under another point of The groups which filled its pediments, while view. For the present it leads us to considthey roused the strongest feelings of Attic reli-er some other modes of expending the public gion and patriotism by the subjects which they represented, and satisfied the severest taste by the harmony of the design, also dazzled the eye as gorgeous pictures, lighted up by the sky of Attica, and rendered the more striking by the simple purity of the marble frames in which they were set, and of the colonnades which supported them. Hence, as Plutarch observes, so long as these vast undertakings, which re- | quired so many arts to be combined for their execution, were in progress, it was scarcely possible that a hand which needed work could be left idle in Athens. As a variety of costly materials, gold, and brass, and marble, and ivory, and ebony, and cedar were frequently demanded for different parts of the same work, so many classes of artists or craftsmen, whose labours were more or less mechanical-a distinction to which the Greeks seem to have attached less importance than we dot-were needed to concur in working them up. And while carpenters, and masons, and smiths, and turners, and dyers, and carvers, and gilders were thus employed at home, a great number of trades were set in active exercise to procure their materials, and to transport them by land and sea. Every art could marshal a host of dependants whom it maintained. It must, however, be observed that though, in every branch of industry which required a high degree of intelligence, the Attic workmen might commonly be sure of being preferred, at least to all foreigners who were not Greeks, in those which depended upon mere manual labour, he was constantly brought into a disadvantageous competition with the slaves, and could not fail to be supplanted, or reduced to the most indigent condition, unless he had the means of becoming owner of some whom he could employ in the same manner. This was an evil against which even the lavish expenditure of Pericles, judiciously as it was applied, could only afford a temporary or partial relief. For a time, however, the large sums which were distributed through so many channels diffused general prosperity. The rapidity with which the new buildings were completed was no less marvellous than the perfection of art which they exhibited. The Propylæa, the most expensive of all, and the most laborious, as well on account of the difficulties of the ground as the massiveness of the structure, See Brendsted, Reisen, it., p. 164. In the passage to which we here allude, Per., 12, Plutarch-as is observed by Thiersch, Epoch, p. 102-classes a number of arts together, without making any distinction between those which we regard as liberal professions and others which we treat as mechanical. Thiersch shows, from Lucian (Somn., 1), that the epithet Bávavoos was applied no less to Phidias or Polycletus than to a common But they seem to have been brought down to this level only in contrast with the higher dignity of political or military functions, according to the sentiment which Platarch expresses, Per., 2. as Eschylus thought little of his poetry in comparison with the honour of having fought at Marathon. mason. See Col. Leake, On the cost of the works of Pericles. Pericles did not introduce that strong passion for public amusements, which in the end consumed so large a part, both of the fortunes of individuals and of the revenues of the state at Athens; but he appears to have increased the number of spectacles by new festivals, sacrifices, processions, musical and gymnastic exhibitions; he probably heightened their attractions by new refinements of art; and he made them accessible to all the citizens without distinction, instead of being preserved for the more affluent. In the period when a wooden theatre still sufficed for the Attic drama, the public safety had appeared to require that a small sum should be paid for admission, which was originally gratuitous; and this continued to be exacted after the stone theatre had been built. Pericles removed this imposition from the poorer class by a law which enabled them to receive the amount from the treasury, and thus restored to them an enjoyment of which some had been deprived without sufficient reason, or which they were compelled to purchase by an inconvenient sacrifice. This was in itself a harmless and reasonable indulgence, and may have appeared the most economical expedient for attaining the object proposed; but it would have been better to have revived the free admissions, for the precedent thus set was extremely liable to abuse, and, in fact, opened the way for a profuse distribution of money under the pretext of enabling the poorer citizens to enjoy various festivals, and led to the establishment of a fund called the Theoricon, which drained the vitals of the commonwealth, and absorbed resources urgently demanded for the public service to be squandered away in frivolous entertainments. What part of this evil may justly be imputed to Pericles could only be ascertained if we knew how many steps he himself advanced beyond the first application of the theoric allowance. But his views had scarcely anything in common with those of the demagogues who succeeded him; and the rec |