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seen covering the sea between Psyttaleia and breeze which regularly blew up the channel at the mouth of the channel, and the army lining | a certain time of the day. Themistocles is the shores of the Gulf of Eleusis. On one of said to have foreseen the advantage that might the heights of Mount Ægaleos, the last limb of be derived from it, and to have delayed the batthe long range of hills that, branching out from tle to the hour when it was expected to get up. Citharon, stretches to the coast fronting the The Persian ships were turned by the wind eastern side of Salamis, a lofty throne was and the waves, their evolutions were thwarted, raised for Xerxes, from which he could view and their sides exposed to the attacks of the the fight, quicken the tardy, and goad on the enemy's prows. While those in front were backward by the terror of his presence, and dis- thus embarrassed, the commanders of the hindpense instant punishments or rewards, as jus-most, impatient to signalize themselves in the tice might demand. By his side were his presence of the king, pressed forward to the scribes, to register the names of those who scene of action, and often fell foul of their caught the king's attention by any signal ex- friends whom they met retreating. Some of ploit. The Greeks had different motives to ani- the Phoenicians, whose galleys had been dismate them, and a different presence to cheer abled by the shock of some Ionian triremes, them. Before they embarked, Themistocles ad- which had been accidentally driven against dressed them in a speech, the substance of them, went on shore, and complained to the which, as Herodotus reports it, was simply to king of what they called the treachery of the set before them, on the one side, all that was Ionians. The loyalty of the Ionians was not best, on the other, all that was worst, in the na-unsuspicious, and Xerxes listened to the charge, ture and the condition of man, and to exhort till an extraordinary exploit of one of their galthem to choose and hold fast the good. Heleys convinced him of their fidelity, and excited might truly say that on the issue of that strug-his indignation against their accusers. gle depended all that was noble in the Greek character, all that was beautiful in Grecian life; that no advantage which distinguished the Greek from the barbarian, neither virtue and honour, nor prosperity and happiness, could long survive their independence. As they were about to take their stations, a vessel arrived from Ægina, which had been sent the day before, when the resolution of defending Salamis was adopted, to implore the assistance of Eacus and his line, the tutelary heroes of Egina. They were solemnly evoked from their sanctuary to come and take part in the battle; similar rites had already been performed to secure the presence and the aid of those acids who had once reigned and were especially worshipped in Salamis itself. The tradition of Ægina was, that the ship sent on the sacred embassy was the same which began the combat; and it was believed that the heroes were seen during the day, in the form of armed warriors, lifting up their hands to shield the Grecian galleys.

The

Ionian had struck and sunk an Attic ship, when she was herself attacked and borne down by an Æginetan: her deck, however, remained above water, so as to allow her crew still to stay on board. From this situation her men cleared the deck of the Æginetans with their javelins, and boarded and captured the ship which had sunk their own. When the king saw this, he commanded that the Phoenicians, who had calumniated the bravest and stanchest of his servants, should lose their heads.

Though the complaint of the Phoenicians was probably groundless, it cannot be doubted that the confusion which soon began to prevail in the Persian fleet was greatly aggravated, and rendered more mischievous by the variety of forces that composed it. The Egyptians, the Phoenicians, the Cilicians, the Cyprians, the Ionians, and the other nations that fought in it, were united by no bond but their compulsory service of the same master; and, as they could feel no interest in the cause they were forced The Greeks awaited the advance of the Per- to support, so they could be little concerned sians in the Straits, which in the narrowest about any damage they might inflict on their part are no more than a quarter of a mile wide. brother slaves which did not endanger their As the Persians approached, the Greeks backed own safety, and must have been always ready their galleys, probably till they saw the enemy to sacrifice every other object to this. An adclosely pent in the brief space, which permitted venture, which Herodotus describes, was probonly a small part of his force, more than triple ably not the only instance of this spirit which their own numbers, to be brought into action the battle afforded. The Carian heroine Artetogether. Then the ship of the acids, or, as misia was chased by Ameinias, who did not was more generally believed, an Athenian, com- suspect the value of the prize he had in view; marded by Ameinias, darted forward and struck for the Athenians, indignant, it is said, at being one of the Persians. This was the signal for a invaded by a woman, had set a price of 10,000 general engagement. The Persians exerted drachmas on her head. She was flying with their utmost efforts, and did not yield to the many others-for it was when disorder had beGreeks in courage and perseverance; every come general among the Persians—and, hard man fought as if the eyes of the king were upon pressed by her pursuer, saw before her the galhim. But the valour of the Greeks, if not di- ley of the Calyndian Damasithymus. Without rected by superior skill, was cooler and more scruple she struck and sunk it: not a man of deliberate, for it had not to struggle with any the whole crew was saved. Ameinias, believof the impediments which threw their antago-ing that he had been chasing a friend, turned nists into confusion and took away their presence of mind. Several causes contributed to this effect The Persian vessels, those especially in the foremost line, were taller and lar-courage and skill. ger than those of the Greeks, and were so much The event of the battle was really decided the more exposed to the action of a strong at the first onset, which threw the unwieldy

away from her; while Xerxes, who saw the occurrence, but only learned the name of Artemisia, loudly expressed his admiration of her

train of the god, and that he heard the shouts with which they were accustomed to invoke him. As the cloud rolled towards the sea and dropped upon the fleet, he inferred that the insulted deity was issuing from Eleusis to succour the Greeks, and avenge his neglected rites upon the Persians. If any apparition of this kind, as Plutarch relates, had excited the imagination of the Athenians either before or during the combat, the soothsayer might have conceived that the blood of barbarian captives would be a grateful offering to the angry god, and though Themistocles was probably little prone to superstition himself, he would not have been reluctant to use it as an instrument.⭑*

armament into a confusion from which it could never recover, and which so many causes cooperated to increase. Yet it appears to have been long before the resistance of the mass, whether active or inert, was finally overcome; and night had begun to draw in ere the remains of the Persian fleet took refuge in Phalerum, to which the Greeks attempted not to pursue it. When the vanquished enemy began to seek safety in flight, a squadron of Eginetan ships, which had stationed itself near the mouth of the channel, met the fugitives, completed their defeat, and cut off many who had escaped from the conflict unhurt. It was in this encounter that a Sidonian vessel, the same which had captured the Æginetan off Sciathus, and which had the lion-hearted Pytheas still on board, was struck, at the same time, by the galley of The-sias raises that of the Persians to five hundred mistocles and by that of Polycritus, an Æginetan, whose father, Crius, had some years before been the most forward in resisting Cleomenes when he landed in Ægina, and attempted to arrest the principal men of the island who were suspected of favouring the Persians. Polycritus, when he saw the banner of the Athenian admiral, called out to him, and asked whether the Æginetans were traitors to the cause of Greece. The brave Pytheas was restored to his country.

The loss sustained on each side in this battle is not recorded by Herodotus; but since Cteships, Diodorus probably drew his numbers— two hundred for the Persians and forty for the Greeks-from good authority. The barbarians lost more lives in proportion than the Greeks; for few of the mariners who came from the inland regions of Asia could save themselves by swimming when their ships were sunk, while almost every Greek, accustomed to the water from his childhood, could easily reach the shore. Among the slain was Ariabignes, a brother of Xerxes, and commander of the fleet, and many other Persians of the highest rank; and from the language of Eschylus we should be inclined to suppose that the troops posted in Psyttaleia were taken from among the Immortals. Xerxes, however, had still the means of renewing the contest with a greatly superior force, and the aspect he assumed led the Greeks to believe that he would not be deterred by his defeat from prosecuting his enterprise with even greater vigour. He began to make preparations for throwing a bridge or causeway over the narrowest part of the strait by fastening some Phoenician merchantmen together. But this

Aristides, who had been one of the ten generals at Marathon, did not command a ship at Salamis; but he was on the shore, intent on the course of events, and watching for an opportunity of ministering to the victory from which his successful rival was to reap praise and power. When the tide of battle had begun to turn, he embarked a body of heavy-armed Athenians, with some archers and slingers, in light craft, and landed them at Psyttaleia. The Persians there were driven into a corner, and, according to Herodotus and Eschylus, were eut in pieces to a man. Plutarch, on the authority of a writer whom he praises for his his-threatening attitude was only a feint to conceal torical learning, has connected this occurrence with a horrible tragedy, on which the elder authors are silent. According to this story, Aristides took three prisoners at Psyttaleia, nephews of Xerxes, whom he sent to Themistocles. They found him sacrificing on board his ship, with the soothsayer Euphrantides by his side, who persuaded him to immolate them to Bacchus. It is perhaps unnecessary to suppose that there was any ground for this tradition, since, at all events, the captives from Psyttaleia could not have been brought to Themistocles while he was sacrificing for success in the battle; yet it seems not incredible that he might endeavour to still popular fears, which may have been excited by the incantations of the magians, by similar mysterious rites, or that he imitated the example of the Persians, without sharing their superstition, in order to take vengeance for the Trazenian whom they had sacrificed near Sciathus. The Persian invasion appears to have interrupted the annual procession, in which the statue of the mystic Jacchus was carried in solemn pomp along the Sacred Read from Athens to Eleusis. One of the Athenian exiles, as he looked over the Thriasian plain towards the sanctuary, fancied that he saw the cloud of dust usually raised by the festive throng which at this season formed the

his real feelings and intentions. He began to be conscious that his situation was one of no little danger. His fleet had suffered some severe blows; another defeat might utterly ruin it, and give the Greeks the undisputed command of the seas. He might find himself cut off from Asia, and shut up in a hostile country, where his army might melt away by famine and the sword. The remembrance of the past threw no cheering light on his future prospects. His progress through Greece had hitherto been a series of disasters; for even his success had been purchased with ignominy, and tended to weaken the terror of his name, and to encourage the enemy to unflinching resistance. The day of Salamis was probably not over before he had secretly resolved on retreat.

Mardonius, the main author of the unfortunate expedition, could easily perceive what thoughts were passing in his master's mind. He knew how treacherous the hopes had proved with which he had allured him, how little the temper of Xerxes was formed to brook such disappointments, how many enemies he him

* Compare Polyanus, iii., 11, 2.

+ Ctesias (26), and Strabo, ix., p. 395, represent Xerxes Salamis over a causeway, and as having been prevented as having originally designed to carry his troops across to from executing his plan by the battle.

dertaking without their assistance to block the Persians up in Europe. He reminded them "that men driven to extremities often pluck up a courage to which they would else have been strangers; that they might think themselves happy enough to have freed themselves and Greece from the cloud that had hung over them without trying to detain it now that it was rolling away. Even what had been done was not their own deed, but the work of the gods and heroes whom the invader had provoked by his impious pride and sacrilegious violence." The Athenians were persuaded, and the fleet made some stay among the Cyclades, to chastise those of the islanders who had sent succour to the barbarians.

self had at court who would turn it to his ruin. He therefore prudently resolved to forestall the king's wishes, and to give him the advice which coincided with his designs, while he reserved for himself a field for his ambition, and a prospect of achieving a conquest which would completely re-establish him in the royal favour. He bade the king not to let his spirits be cast down by the loss of a few ships, nor because the Greeks had shown themselves better men on the sea than Phoenicians and Ægyptians, Cyprians and Cilicians. Their disgrace could not tarnish the honour of the Persians, who were used to rely not on frail planks, but on men and horses for victory. The Persian arms were still irresistible as ever on their proper element. Let the king but make the trial by It may be easily conceived that a man like advancing into Peloponnesus, and he would see Themistocles loved the arts in which he excellthat these sailors, however proud they were of ed for their own sake, and might exercise the their triumph, would none of them dare to land faculties with which he was pre-eminently giftand meet him. If, however, he was satisfied ed upon very slight occasions. In devising a with the display he had made of his power, and plan, conducting an intrigue, surmounting a difthought it time to return to Persia, Mardonius ficulty, in leading men to his ends without their himself, if he were permitted to select 300,000 knowledge and against their will, he might find troops from the army, would undertake to com- a delight which might often be in itself a suffiplete the subjugation of Greece." Xerxes was cient motive of action. We should be led to pleased; for what he heard was his own mind. suppose that this was the inducement which Artemisia, whom he affected to consult - led him to send another secret message to though, as Herodotus believes, neither man nor Xerxes, if, as Herodotus represents, its import woman could have prevailed on him to stay- was only to inform the king of the resolution seconded the proposal of Mardonius, and ob- which the Greeks had just adopted, and to let served that if it was adopted, the risk would be him know that he might return to Asia without all on the side of the Greeks, for, when the king any fear of hindrance. For that in the very was safe, it mattered little what became of one moment of victory, when he had just risen to of his slaves; if Mardonius fulfilled his promise, the highest degree of reputation and influence the glory would belong to his master. Xerxes among his countrymen, he should have foreseen commended her prudence, and honoured her the changes which fortune had in store for him, by intrusting his children to her charge, with and have conceived the thought of providing a whom she immediately set sail for Ephesus. place of refuge among the barbarians to which The same night the fleet received orders to he might fly if he should be driven out of Greece, make for the Hellespont with all speed, to guard is a conjecture that might very naturally be the bridges till the king's arrival. As they sail- formed after the event, but would scarcely have ed in the dark by Cape Zoster, they were de- been thought probable before it. That he sent ceived by the appearance of some rocky islets the second message need not be doubted, notwhich are scattered near the coast, and, taking withstanding the ease with which such anecthem for Grecian ships, fled, panic-struck, in dotes are multiplied: according to Herodotus, different directions. The error was detected the bearer, the same Sicinnus, was accompaniin time to prevent a dispersion, and they pursued by several other trusty servants or friends: ed their course to the Hellespont without far- Plutarch found a more probable tradition, that ther interruption. the agent employed was a Persian prisoner, a It was not till about the middle of the follow-slave of Xerxes, named Arnaces. In Herodoing day that the Greeks received information of the departure of the Persian fleet. They instantly gave it chase, but, having proceeded as far as Andros without gaining sight of it, they there stopped to hold a council of war. The Athenians were desirous of continuing the pursuit, and sailing to the Hellespont, to destroy the bridges and intercept the return of Xerxes; and Themistocles proposed this movement. But Eurybiades represented the danger of driving a powerful enemy to despair, and was of opinion that no impediment ought to be thrown in his way. Plutarch ascribes this counsel to Aristides, supposing it to have been given at Salamis; but there is no reason for thinking Mardonius accompanied Xerxes as far as that he was with the fleet at Andros. The Thessaly, where he himself meant to take up Peloponnesian commanders all approved of the his winter quarters. He selected the flower of admiral's caution; and Themistocles, probably the whole army, including the Immortals, and himself convinced, laboured to soothe the dis-one of the troops of the king's horse-guard. A appointment of his countrymen, who at first body of 60,000 men, part of those whom he rewere for separating from their allies, and un-tained, under the command of Artabazus, es

tus, Themistocles claims the merit of having diverted the Greeks from pursuing the Persian fleet and destroying the bridges, and bids Xerxes dismiss all fear about his return. Plutarch's authors, on the contrary, related that he had terrified Xerxes with the danger of being intercepted, and urged him to fly with the utmost speed. And this seems more consistent with the narrative of Herodotus himself, who, though he did not believe the report he heard at Abdera, that Xerxes never loosened his girdle before he reached Abdera on his way back, describes him as making forced marches to the Hellespont.

his bribes prevailed, but the treachery was defeated by a timely detection. He lay three months before the walls without shaking the firmness of the garrison: at length they seemed to be deserted by the gods; an extraordinary ebb of the sea left the shore of the Isthmus bare under the walls of the city. Artabazus took advantage of the prodigy to send a division of his army round the town; but, in the middle of their march, the waters returned in a tide high

barians were either overwhelmed by the waves, or cut to pieces by the garrison, and Artabazus, in despair, raised the siege, and marched back to Thessaly.

corted Xerxes to the Hellespont. Widely dif- | sistance: he tried to gain admission by gold; ferent from the appearance of the glittering host which a few months before had advanced over the plains of Macedonia and Thrace to the conquest of Greece, was the aspect of the crowd which was now hurrying back along the same road. The splendour, the pomp, the luxury, the waste, were exchanged for disorder and distress, want and disease. The magazines had been emptied by the careless profusion or the peculation of those who had the charge of them; the granaries of the countries, traversed by the re-er than had ever been known before. The bartreating multitude, were unable to supply its demands; ordinary food was often not to be found, and it was compelled to draw a scanty and unwholesome nourishment from the herbage of the plains, the bark and leaves of the The Grecian fleet, as we have seen, had staytrees. Sickness soon began to spread its rava- ed among the Cyclades to punish the islanders ges among them, and Xerxes was compelled to who had aided the barbarians. Themistocles consign numbers to the care of the cities that seized this opportunity of enriching himself at lay on his road, already impoverished by the cost their expense. He first demanded a contribuof his first visit, in the hope that they would tion from Andros; and when the Andrians retend their guests, and would not sell them into fused it, he told them that the Athenians had slavery if they recovered. The passage of the brought two powerful gods to second their deStrymon is said to have been peculiarly disas- mand, Persuasion and Force. The Andrians trous. The river had been frozen in the night replied that they also had a pair of ill-conditionhard enough to bear those who arrived first; ed gods, who would not leave their island, or but the ice suddenly gave way under the heat let them comply with the will of the Athenians, of the morning sun, and numbers perished in Poverty and Inability. The Greeks laid siege the waters.* In forty-five days after he had to Andros, but it made so vigorous a defence left Mardonius in Thessaly, he reached the Hel- that they were at length compelled to abandon lespont: the bridges had been broken up by foul the attempt, and returned to Salamis. Theweather, but the fleet was there to carry the mistocles, however, employed the assistance of army over to Abydos. Here it rested from its fa- his two gods with more success in several of tigues, and found plentiful quarters; but intem- the other islands, which bribed him for impunity. perate indulgence rendered the sudden change All Greece resounded with the fame of his wisfrom scarcity to abundance almost as pernicious dom; the deliverance just effected was univeras the previous famine. The remnant that Xerx-sally ascribed, next to the favour of the gods, to es brought back to Sardis was a wreck, a fragment, rather than a part of his huge host. Many of the Greek cities on the coast of the Chalcidian peninsula, when they heard of the battle of Salamis and the flight of the Persian fleet, had cast off the yoke: Potidæa, on the Isthmus of Pallene, was the foremost in asserting its independence. Olynthus, at this time inhabited by Bottiæans, a race which laid claim to some infusion of Cretan blood, and had been driven by the progressive conquests of the Macedonians from the Gulf of Therme, betrayed a similar disposition. Artabazus, when he had executed his commission, seeing time to spare before Mardonius would need his presence in Thessaly, resolved to employ it in chastising this rebellion. He first laid siege to Olynthus, made himself master of it, and massacred the whole population in cold blood. He then repeopled it with colonists of the Chalcidian race: henceforth Olynthus is a purely Greek city. This cruelty was, perhaps, meant to strike terror into Potidæa; if so, it failed of its end. Artabazus here met with a more determined re

It is a little surprising that Herodotus, when he is describing the miseries of the retreat, does not notice this disaster, which is so prominent in the narrative of the Persian messenger in Eschylus. There can, however, be no doubt as to the fact; and perhaps it may furnish a useful warning not to lay too much stress on the silence of Herodotus as a ground for rejecting even important and interesting facts which are only mentioned by later writers, though such as he must have heard of, and might have been expected to relate. It seems possible that the story he mentions of Xerxes embarking at Eion (vii., 118) may have arisen out of the tragical passage of the Strymon.

his foresight and presence of mind. When the choicest of the spoil had been selected for thanksgiving offerings, of which the greater part was sent to Delphi, and converted into a colossal statue, and the rest had been divided among the allies, the commanders met in the temple of Poseidon on the Isthmus, to award the palm of individual merit. Among the states which had taken a part in the battle, almost unanimous consent assigned the foremost place to Ægina: her claim to this glory seemed so unquestionable, that the Delphic god, when he was asked if he was content with the offerings he had received, said that he still missed that which Egina owed for her precedence; and it was sent, in the shape of three golden stars, fixed on a brazen mast. The other question was to be decided by the votes of the competitors themselves, which were solemnly given at the altar of Poseidon for the first and for the second degree of excellence. No one was generous enough to resign the first place to another; most were just enough to award the second to Themistocles. Still higher honours awaited him from Sparta, a severe judge of Athenian merit. He went thither, according to Plutarch, invited, wishing, Herodotus says, to be honoured. The Spartans gave him a chaplet of olive leaves; it was the reward they had bestowed on their own admiral, Eurybiades. They added a chariot, the best the city possessed; and, to distinguish him above all other foreigners that have ever entered Sparta, they sent the three hundred knights to escort him as far

as the borders of Tegea on his return.* He himself subsequently dedicated a temple to Artemis, as the goddess of good counsel.

CHAPTER XVI.

FROM THE BATTLE OF SALAMIS TO THE END OF
THE PERSIAN INVASION.

guments by which Themistocles prevailed on them to desist from the pursuit of the Persian fleet. They now applied themselves to their useful labours with the greater alacrity, as they entertained a reasonable hope that their land would not again be visited by the ravages of the same invader. Sparta had been too late for Marathon, too late to save Athens; but now there was ample time for preparation, and full warning of the need. Though the enemy was yet formidable by land, still, after the brilliant success that had hitherto attended the Greeks, after the example that had been given at Marathon of what might be effected by a small number of brave and disciplined troops, it was not too much to expect that the allies would not again look on at a distance, while the barbarians overran the territory of a people which had done and suffered so much for the common cause. During the winter the Greeks remained tranquil, as if they had no enemy at their doors; but in the spring they awoke, like men who have slept upon an uneasy thought, and remembered that Mardonius was in Thessaly, and a Persian fleet still upon the sea.

While these great events were passing in Greece, Sicily was delivered from a danger not WITHIN a few days after the battle of Salaless threatening. Terillus, tyrant of Himera, mis, Attica was delivered from the presence of had been expelled from his city by Theron, ty- the barbarians, and the Athenians returned to rant of Agrigentum. To recover his dominions, cultivate their fields and to repair their dwellthe exile solicited aid from Carthage. The ings. The necessity of attending to their doCarthaginians were no doubt glad of an oppor-mestic concerns had been one of the main artunity of gaining a footing in the island; though Diodorus, with the natural prejudices of a Sicilian, imagined that they had been stimulated to the invasion of his country by Xerxes, who probably had scarcely heard the name of Sicily. They appear, however, to have required some security from Terillus; and his son-in-law, Anaxilaus, tyrant of Rhegium, sent his own children as hostages to the Carthaginian suffete, Hamilcar, who was himself, by his mother's side, of Syracusan origin, and was bound by ties of hospitality to Terillus. The Carthaginians sent an army, it is said, of 300,000 men, collected from Africa, and from the coasts and islands of the Tuscan Sea, under the command of Hamilear, to Sicily. On his arrival he laid siege to Himera, now in the possession of Theron, whose daughter, Demarate, was the wife of Gelo of Syracuse. Gelo marched promptly to the relief of his father-in-law with a powerful army, revived the confidence of the Himeræans, and shut up the Carthaginians in their camp. An intercepted letter, containing promises of succour from Selinus, suggested to him a stratagem, by which he introduced a body of cavalry into the Carthaginian intrenchments, who surprised and This fleet, after having transported the army slew Hamilcar, and burned almost the whole of across the Hellespont, had wintered, the main his fleet, which he had drawn on shore, and en- part at Cuma, the rest at Samos, and, when the closed within his fortifications. At the same sea was open again, the whole was assembled time he marched up with his whole force; the at the latter station, under the command of Carthaginians came out and gave him battle, three new admirals. Their intention was to but were defeated, with the loss, it is said, of remain entirely on the defensive; and they did half their army. The rest took refuge in a po- not expect to be attacked by the Greeks, who sition where the want of water compelled them had not pursued them after their defeat, but to lay down their arms. To complete the dis- they watched the Ionians with suspicion. Their aster of the Carthaginians, twenty of their force amounted only to 300 ships, of which the ships, which had escaped the conflagration of Ionian squadron formed a part. A revolt in the fleet, and carried off a part of the crews, Ionia, seconded by the victorious Greeks, would perished in a storm on their way home. Scarce- give them full employment. Their suspicions ly a boat returned to bring the news to Car- and fears were not ill grounded. When the thage. This great victory was gained, it is Grecian fleet, consisting of 110 ships, met at said, on the same day with that of Salamis. Egina in the spring, under the command of The allied cities were enriched with the Car- Leotychides, king of Sparta, the successor of thaginian spoil, and adorned by the labours of Demaratus, and Xanthippus, son of Ariphron, the prisoners, whom they divided among them. the prosecutor of Miltiades, some Ionian refuOf these, so many fell to the share of Agrigen-gees, who had failed in an attempt against Strattum that private persons are said to have become owners of 500 slaves. The quarries were filled with these unfortunate captives; solid and magnificent works rose under their hands, to the honour of the gods, and for the convenience and pleasure of the citizens; temples of vast size; sewers, more celebrated, perhaps not much less massy than the Roman; an artificial lake, rivalling the splendour of Eastern kings, remained, as long as Agrigentum stood, and still remain, in part buried under its ruins, monuments of the day of Himera.

See p. 137, where the word knights should have been ased instead of horsemen,

tis, the tyrant of Chios, came over to solicit aid for the purpose of restoring Ionia to independence.* They had already applied to Sparta, and seem to have been referred to the judgment of the allies. But the only point they could carry with the commanders of the fleet was to prevail on them to advance eastward as far as Delos, and even this movement was made with great reluctance, and perhaps to many seemed too bold. The intercourse between Ionia and Greece had not been active enough to render

Among them was Herodotus, son of Basilides, whom Manso, Sparta, i, p. 346, confounds with the historian. Manso conjectures, we think needlessly, that the Spartans, to cover their fear of the Persians, pretended total ignorance of the distance of Samos and the Asiatic coast. little do we believe them to have been really ignorant of it.

As

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