ably falls short of the truth, and certainly does not take the slaves into account, who served, most likely, as light-armed troops. When all these allowances are made, the numerical inequality will be reduced to a proportion of five

to one.

This, however, is not the standard by which the glory of this memorable victory must be measured. The Persians were strong, not only in numbers, but in the terror of their name, in the renown of their conquests, in the recollection of the flight from Sardis, in the recent destruction of Eretria. If Miltiades deserves praise for having perceived the hollowness of these advantages, and if he balanced them by the superiority of his military skill, the Athenians also earned their fame by the boldness with which they faced a danger which they could not despise. When they began their onset, the first, Herodotus says, in which a Grecian army advanced to a charge running, they had all their experience of the enemy's weakness still to gain. Notwithstanding the arguments of Aristagoras, the very sight of the Median garb, as we learn from the same authority, was still terrible to the European Greeks. That these fears were stong, though their ground was imaginary, and that they required a heroic resolution to master them, is clear from the marvellous light in which the victory was viewed by the people as a deliverance which could not have been effected by their own arm without the friendly interposition of a higher power. Hence the block of marble, which Datis was said to have brought for a trophy, was gratefully wrought into a statue of Nemesis.* Hence it appeared no less credible that the courier Phidippides should have heard the cheering voice of Pan in the mountains, than that, when he had told the glad tidings to the magistrates at Athens, he should have dropped down dead from joy. Hence the wonderful legends of the battle: the valiant Epizelus is blinded in the heat of the fight by the apparition of a warrior, whose shield is covered by his flowing beard; the local heroes are active in the combat, and in the picture that represented it on the walls of the Painted Porch, Theseus appeared rising out of the ground with Marathon and Hercules, and the hero Echetlus, armed with a ploughshare, was seen dealing death among the flying barbarians; hence, to this day, the field of Marathon is believed to be haunted, as in the time of Pausanias, with spectral warriors, and the shepherds are alarmed in the night by their shouts and by the neighing of their steeds.

des had been removed beyond the reach of hatred and envy, his singular deserts were acknowledged by a separate tomb on the same ground. He and the polemarch Callimachus were alone distinguished from the other combatants in the Painted Porch, and stood apart, with the tutelary gods and heroes.

The monuments, the trophies, the votive offerings, the processions, the pictures and sculptures, the songs, and the panegyric harangués that celebrated the victory, not only proved, but, in part, made its importance. They kept alive the remembrance of a deed which had first taught the Athenian people to know its own strength, by measuring it with the power which had subdued the greater part of the known world. The consciousness thus awakened fixed its character, its station, and its destiny; it was the spring of its later great actions and ambitious enterprises. With respect to these remote consequences, the absence of the Spartans was a momentous event. They came to Athens while the field was still strewed with the dead; they had marched with the speed of men who wished to repair a delay which neither law nor prejudice could wholly justify, even in their own eyes; yet their force amounted to no more than 2000 men: a number so small that it lends some colour to a tradition which rests only on the authority of Plato, the slightest of all on such points, that they had been occupied in suppressing some insurrection in Messenia. Though too late to share the glory of the day, they desired to see the field, and the renowned barbarians who, for the first time, had been vanquished there: they went to Marathon, beheld, praised the Athenians for their courage, and returned home.

The new spirit which the victory infused into the conquerors appeared almost immediately in an occurrence which closed the career of Miltiades. The fear of the Persians was no sooner removed than he began to rouse his countrymen to plans of aggression and conquest. He easily obtained from them a fleet of seventy ships, which they placed at his command without even knowing towards what object he would direct the expedition, but satisfied with his assurances that it would enrich them. He secretly designed to attack the island of Paros, where he had a private enemy, who had once injured his credit with the Persians; it had afforded a pretext for his revenge, by sending a trireme with the armament under Ďatis: probably most of the other adjacent islands had been guilty of the same offence; but he contented And, therefore, the Athenians were only just himself with ravaging their fields, while he laid to their own merits in the extraordinary hon- regular siege to the town of Paros. It was at ours they paid to the true heroes of Marathon, this time one of the most flourishing among the and in the monuments by which they endeav- Cyclades: Miltiades demanded a heavy penaloured to perpetuate their triumph. The slain ty: the Parians, instead of complying, kept enemies were committed to an obscure grave; strengthening their walls, and baffled all his atbut on the field which they had made holy tacks, till, despairing of success, he is said to ground, the Athenians who had fallen for their have descended to superstitious arts, and to country were gathered together under a stately have received a dangerous hurt in his knee or sepulchre, adorned with ten pillars, on which hip, as he attempted to penetrate into a sacred their names were inscribed according to their enclosure. This compelled him to return withtribes. Another barrow was consecrated to out fulfilling the promises by which he had inthe Plateans and the slaves; and when Miltia-duced the people to fit out the fleet. His ene

It appears, from the observation of intelligent judges (Unedited Antiquities of Attica, p. 43), that this celebrated -statue was not of Parian, but of Pentelic marble.

mies took advantage of the irritation produced in the public mind by this disappointment, and Xanthippus, son of Ariphron, the chief of the

its ruin; and when the captive Eretrians were brought to Darius, he was satisfied with planting them in a part of his own domain, in the Cissian village of Ardericca. But his anger was doubly inflamed against Athens by the event of Marathon, which did not suggest to him any wholesome warning; the conclusion he drew from it was, that his power had been defied with impunity merely because it had not been fully exerted. Now, therefore, he resolved that the insolent people which had invaded his territories, violated the persons of his messengers, and driven his generals to a shameful

rival house of the Alemæonids, brought a capital charge against him for having deceived the people. A gangrene had begun in his injured limb; and, unable to defend his own cause, he was brought on a couch into the court, where his brother Tisagoras pleaded for him before the people, which sat at once as judge and as sovereign. As judge, it condemned him; as sovereign, on the ground of his services at Marathon and Lemnos, it commuted the capital penalty for a fine of fifty talents. As he could not immediately raise this sum, he was cast into prison, where he soon after died of his sore. Such a sentence, passed under such circum-flight, should feel the whole weight of his arm. stances, and so harshly exacted by an absolute A year had been spent in the preparations for monarch from a victorious general to whom he the last campaign; those he now set on foot had owed the safety or the honour of his crown, were on a vast scale, and demanded a longer would commonly be deemed sufficient to brand time. Every nation that owned his sway was him with the reproach of ingratitude; and those called on to contribute to the new armament who are disposed to view the proceedings of much more largely than before, and to send the popular governments in the worst light have flower of its warriors, such as were fit to meet not failed to apply this name to the conduct of the Greeks in the field, as well as an extraordithe Athenian people towards Miltiades. Oth-nary supply, according to its means, of ships or ers, who have judged of it more mildly, have horses, provisions and stores. For three years considered it only as an ordinary example of all Asia was kept in a continual stir;* in the popular levity, which changes its favourites as fourth Darius was distracted by other cares— hastily as it adopts them, and is easily persua- by a quarrel in his family, and by an insurrecded to consign the same man to a dungeon tion in Egypt. Two of his sons, Artabazanes, whom, but the day before, it had exalted to the the eldest, born to him in his private station, skies. And certainly, as in general it cannot and Xerxes, his first by Atossa, the daughter of be denied that men are not more exempt from Cyrus, whom he had married after he came to human passions and frailties when they act in the throne, disputed the succession: the eldest great bodies than when alone, so, when we re-grounded his claim on the common law of inflect on the rash cupidity and blind credulity heritance, the younger on his descent from the that mark the beginning of the transaction just founder of the monarchy. Demaratus, the exdescribed, it is impossible to look for calm wis-iled king of Sparta, aided Xerxes with his coundom or severe justice in its progress and its termination. So far as Miltiades fell a victim to the arts of an adverse faction which misled his judges, we may pity him without finding them guilty even of inconstancy or caprice; and we may think that they made amends for the involuntary wrong they had done him by the honours with which they afterward showed their sense of his merit. But how far they are liable to the charge of ingratitude must depend on their view of the obligation they had incurred. Darius might well think that the benefit he had received from Histiæus was so great that it could scarcely be effaced by any subsequent of fence. But Miltiades was not, in such a sense, the benefactor of the Athenians: if they conceived that nothing he had done for them ought to raise him above the laws-if they even thought that his services had been sufficiently rewarded by the station which enabled him to perform them and by the glory he reaped from them, they were not ungrateful or unjust; and if Miltiades thought otherwise, he had not learn-ence which Darius had gained in that period of ed to live in a free state.

CHAPTER XV.

FROM THE BATTLE OF MARATHON TO THE BATTLE
OF SALAMIS.

THE failure of the expedition led by Datis and Artaphernes in the invasion of Attica was poorly compensated by their success against Eretria; the insult it had offered to the majesty of the Persian Empire was sufficiently avenged by

sels, and suggested to him another argument, drawn from the Spartan rule of succession, by which a son born after the accession of a king was preferred to his elder brother. Darius decided in his favour, and declared him his heir; swayed, perhaps, much more by the influence of Atossa, which was always great with him, than by reason or usage. In the following year, before he had ended his preparations against Egypt and Attica, he died, and Xerxes mounted the throne (B.C. 485).

Thus the Persian sceptre passed from the hands of a prince who had acquired it by his boldness and prudence, to one born in the palace, the favourite son of the favourite queen, who had been accustomed from his infancy to regard the kingdom as his inheritance, perhaps to think that the blood of Cyrus which flowed in his veins raised him above his father. Bred up in the pompous luxury of the Persian court, among slaves and women, a mark for their flattery and intrigues, he had none of the experi

his life when Syloson's cloak was a welcome present. He was probably inferior to his father in ability; but the difference between them in fortune and education seems to have left more traces in their history than any disparity of nature. Ambition was not the prominent feature in the character of Xerxes; and had he followed his unbiased inclination, he would perhaps have been content to turn the preparations of Darius against the revolted Egyptians, and have abandoned the expedition against Greece. to

* Edovtero, Her., viii., 1.

and to scare away all opposition, but also, and perhaps principally, to set his whole enormous power in magnificent array, that he might enjoy the sight of it himself, and display it to the admiration of the world. For four years longer Asia was still kept in restless turmoil; no less time was needed to provide the means of subsistence for the countless host that was about to be poured out upon Europe. Besides the stores that were to be carried in the fleet which was to accompany the army, it was necessary that magazines should be formed along the whole line of march as far as the confines of Greece. But, in addition to these prudent precautions, two works were begun, which scarce

which he was not spurred by any personal motives. But he was surrounded by men who were led by various passions and interests to desire that he should prosecute his father's plans of conquest and revenge. Mardonius was eager to renew an enterprise in which he had been foiled through unavoidable mischance, not through his own incapacity. He had reputation to retrieve, and might look forward to the possession of a great European satrapy, at such a distance from the court as would make him almost an absolute sovereign. He was warmly seconded by the Greeks who had been drawn to Susa by the report of the approaching invasion of their country, and who wanted foreign aid to accomplish their designs. The Thessaly served any other purpose than that of showlian house of the Aleuads, either because they thought their power insecure, or expected to increase it by becoming vassals of the Persian king, sent their emissaries to invite him to the conquest of Greece. The exiled Pisistratids had no other chance for the recovery of Athens. They had brought a man named Onomacritus with them to court, who was one of the first among the Greeks to practise an art, afterward very common, that of forging prophecies and oracles. While their family ruled at Athens he had been detected in fabricating verses, which he had interpolated in a work ascribed to the ancient seer Musæus, and Hipparchus, before his patron, had banished him from the city. But the exiles saw the use they might make of his talents, and had taken him into their service. They now recommended him to Xerxes as a man who possessed a treasure of prophetical knowledge, and the young king listened with unsuspecting confidence to the encouraging predictions which Onomacritus drew from his inexhaustible stores. These various engines at length prevailed. The imagination of Xerxes was inflamed with the prospect of rivalling or surpassing the achievements of his glorious predecessors, and of extending his dominion to the ends of the earth.* He resolved on the invasion of Greece. First, however, in the second year of his reign, he led an army against Egypt, and brought it again under the Persian yoke, which was purposely made more burdensome and galling than before. He intrusted it to the care of his brother Achæmenes, and then returned to Persia, and bent all his thoughts towards the West.

ing the power and majesty of Xerxes, and proving that he would suffer no obstacles to bar his progress. It would have been easy to transport his troops in ships over the Hellespont; but it was better suited to the dignity of the monarch, who was about to unite both continents under his dominion, to join them by a bridge laid upon the subject channel, and to march across as along a royal road. The storm that had destroyed the fleet which accompanied Mardonius in his unfortunate expedition, had made the coast of Athos terrible to the Persians. The simplest mode of avoiding this formidable cape would have been to draw their ships over the narrow, low neck that connects the mountain with the main land. But Xerxes preferred to leave a monument of his greatness and of his enterprise, in a canal cut through the Isthmus, a distance of about a mile and a half. This work employed a multitude of men for three years. The construction of the two bridges which were thrown across the Hellespont were intrusted to the skill of the Phoenicians and Egyptians. When these preparations were drawing to a close, Xerxes set forth for Sardis, where he designed to spend the following winter, and to receive the re-enforcements which he had appointed there to join the main army (B.C. 481).

During his stay at Sardis the Phoenician and Egyptian engineers completed their bridges on the Hellespont, but the work was not strong enough to resist a violent storm, which broke it to pieces soon after it was finished. How far this disaster was owing to defects in its construction, which might have been avoided by Only one of his counsellors, his uncle Arta-ordinary skill and foresight, does not appear; banus, is said to have been wise and honest enough to endeavour to divert him from the enterprise, and especially to dissuade him from risking his own person in it. If any reliance could be placed on the story told by Herodotus about the deliberations held on this question in the Persian cabinet, we might suspect that the influence and arts of the Magian priesthood, which we find in this reign rising in credit, had been set at work by the adversaries of Artabanus, to counteract his influence over the mind of his nephew, and to confirm Xerxes in his martial mood. The vast preparations were continued with redoubled activity to raise an armament worthy of the presence of the king. His aim was not merely to collect a force sufficient to ensure the success of his undertaking

but Xerxes is said to have been so much angered by the accident that he put the architects to death. Such a burst of passion would be credible enough in itself, and is only rendered doubtful by the extravagant fables that gained credit on the subject among the Greeks, who, in the bridging of the sacred Hellespont, saw the beginning of a long career of audacious impiety, and gradually transformed the fastenings with which the passage was finally secured into fetters and scourges, with which the barbarian in his madness had thought to chastise the aggression of the rebellious stream.* The construction of new bridges was committed to other engineers, perhaps to Greeks; but their

* The origin of the story is sufficiently explained, as the commentators on Eschylus and Herodotus have remarked, by the lines of the poet, Pers., 371: δστις Ἑλλήσποντον ἱερὸν δοῦλον ὡς δεσμώμασιν ἤλπισε σχήσειν ῥέοντα Βόσπορον ρουν θεοῦ.

Aristagoras (B.C. 494) the capital of Ionia was stormed by the Persians. The conquerors carried into effect the threats with which they accompanied their pacific offers before the battle. Those of the citizens who escaped the sword were carried into captivity with their families. By the order of Darius they were transplanted to the head of the Persian Gulf, and settled in a town called Ampe, in the marshes near the mouth of the Tigris. The shrine of Branchidæ was plundered of its sacred treasures. Miletus became a Persian colony, a part of its territory was annexed to that of Pedasa. Its destruction was felt at Athens as a national calamity, and the poet Phrynichus, who ventured to wound the feelings of his audience by exhibiting it as a tragedy, was punished by a heavy fine. The next year the other cities on the coast of Ionia experienced a similar fate. They were not, indeed, utterly desolated; but their fairest chil

mander of the Phocæans, observed that the na- | fall of Miletus. Six years after the revolt of val camp at Ladé was far from displaying the order and good discipline which so critical a juncture demanded. In a general assembly he pointed out to his countrymen the danger of insubordination and supineness, and prevailed on them to commit themselves to his guidance. When he was invested with the chief command, he did not suffer a day to pass without devoting several hours to martial exercises. He drew out the fleet in order of battle, practised the rowers in the evolutions of a seafight, and kept the marines at the same time under arms in the places where their services would be required. After seven days of this laborious training, the troops began to murmur at what they easily persuaded themselves was a profitless hardship, and to rail at Dionysius as an ambitious meddler. It seemed intolerable that a man who had only brought three ships to join the fleet should domineer over all the rest: the Persians themselves could not lord it more ty-dren were carried away to fill or to guard the rannically over their slaves; and they resolved to shake off the authority of Dionysius, and to assert the rights of freemen. Instead of going abroad to execute his commands, they henceforth dispersed themselves in parties over the island, and reposed during the heat of the day under tents which they pitched on the most agreeable spots. The Samian commanders were disgusted with this folly, for some of them, who were before inclined to accept the terms offered by the Persians, made use of it as an argument to draw the others over to their views. The end was, that they sent to their banished tyrant, Æaces, the son of Syloson, and declared their readiness to close with his late proposals. It was agreed that they should desert in the battle.

royal harem. The islands of Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos, were swept of their inhabitants by a process like that which Otanes employed in Samos. The subjugation of Ionia was complete. Histiæus did not survive the ruin he had caused. After the fall of Miletus, thinking himself unsafe in the Bosporus, he sailed with his Lesbian squadron to Chios, and easily made himself master of the island, which had spent all its forces at the battle of Ladé. After this, with a larger force collected from the remnant of the war, he invaded the island of Thasos. But he was interrupted in the siege of the town by news of the approach of the Persian fleet, and sailed to Lesbos. Finding himself in want of provisions for his troops, he crossed over to the continent for the purpose of reaping the harThe Persian fleet now sailed confidently to vest in the vale of the Caicus, which he exthe attack: the Ionians met them without sus- pected to find unprotected. But Harpagus, a picion of treachery. But in the beginning of Persian general, happened to be at hand with the action the Samians quitted their post, and a considerable force: the marauders were surbore away to Samos. Only eleven captains re- prised and routed, and Histiæus himself, being fused to obey their superior officers, and kept overtaken by a Persian horseman, believing their places; they were afterward rewarded by that the clemency of Darius might yet spare his a monument in the market-place of Samos. The life, cried out in the Persian language for quarexample of the rest, however, was followed by ter, and made himself known. He was led to the Lesbians, and as the alarm spread, by the Artaphernes, who immediately ordered him to greater part of the fleet. The Chians almost be crucified, and sent his head to Susa. The alone remained firm amid the general conster-only person in the world, perhaps, who felt pity nation; but their skill and valour were at length overpowered by superior numbers, and they were compelled to fly. Those whose galleys were disabled from escaping the pursuit of the enemy, ran them aground at Cape Mycalé, and left them. They bent their way northward; but, passing through the Ephesian territory in the night, while the women were celebrating a festival, they were taken for robbers who had come with sacrilegious intentions, and were all cut to pieces by the Ephesians. Dionysius of Phocæa had fought till the struggle became desperate, and had taken three of the enemy's ships; when forced to fly, he sailed to Phoenicia, sank several merchantmen, and, laden with spoil, steered for Sicily, and thence carried on an unremitting war against the old enemies of his countrymen, the Tyrsenians* and Carthaginians.

The defeat off Ladé was soon followed by the

See Niebuhr, Hist., 1., p. 125, ed. 3.

or regret for his fate was Darius himself, who gave his remains a more honourable interment than they deserved, and blamed the hasty vengeance of the viceroy.

The Persian fleet continued its victorious career towards the Hellespont. The cities north of the Ægean were successively overpowered, and sank in the flames. The men of Byzantium and Chalcedon did not wait for the enemy's attack, but left their towns to found a new one called Mesembria, on the western coast of the Euxine. Miltiades, too, thought himself no longer safe. The principality which he had long governed in the Chersonesus had been founded by his uncle Miltiades, son of Cypselus, during the reign of Pisistratus at Athens. The Doloncians, a Thracian tribe, wanted a chief to protect them from the inroads of their neighbours, the savage Apsinthians. Under the direction of the Delphic oracle, by an accidental or preconcerted combination of circumstances,

well as from the influx of fresh settlers, we may suppose the new Greek population of Miletus to have arisen. In the next year after the close of the war, the Persian government adopted an expedient still better fitted to allay the discontent of its Ionian subjects, and to keep them in willing subjection. The king's son-in-law, Mardonius, was sent down to take the place of Artaphernes, and one of his first proceedings after his arrival in Ionia was to depose the tyrants who had been placed in the cities by his predetion. This change appeared so repugnant to Persian maxims, that Herodotus thought it sufficient to silence the objections of those who doubted that democracy could have found an advocate among the Seven Conspirators. It does, indeed, indicate more knowledge of man

they found one in the son of Cypselus, who was glad to withdraw from the jealous eye of Pisistratus. He secured their peninsula by carrying a wall across the Isthmus, waged a war with Lampsacus, in which he was made prisoner, and released through the intercession of Croesus, and dying childless, left his dominions to his nephew Stesagoras, son of Cimon, who was soon after assassinated. At this time his brother, the younger Miltiades, was at Athens, and Stesagoras having left no child, Pisistratus, who, according to Herodotus, had before processor, and to set up a democratical constitucured the assassination of his father, sent him to take possession of the vacant inheritance. On his arrival he found it necessary to establish his authority by violence. He entrapped the principal men of the Chersonesus, and threw them into chains; took five hundred foreigners into his pay, and strengthened himself by mar-kind, larger views, and sounder principles of rying a Thracian princess. He was, in the full Greek sense of the word, a tyrant. We have seen that he attended Darius on the Scythian expedition, and that the part he is said to have acted on that occasion was apparently either unknown or forgotten. After the Scythian inroad, of which we know nothing but that it drove him out of his territories, had passed by, he returned and remained in peace, till he saw himself threatened with invasion by the triumphant arms of Persia. While the Persian fleet was lying off Tenedos, he filled five galleys with his treasure, and set sail for Athens. He narrow-gotten. ly escaped the enemy with four of his ships; Mardonius had come with a mighty armathe fifth was taken, and in it his son Metiochus, ment, which was designed to wreak the venwhom the captors sent, it is said, as a peculiar-geance of Darius upon Athens and Eretria, ly welcome prize, to Darius. If the father had, indeed, incurred the king's anger, the son was generously treated; for instead of death or a prison, he received a fair estate and a Persian wife. The expelled tyrant became again an Athenian citizen.

policy, than could have been expected from a barbarous and despotic court, and reflects honour on the understanding of Mardonius or of Darius. Yet the last insurrection had shown that, while the dominion of the tyrants irritated the people, and afforded a constant motive to rebellion, their own fidelity was by no means secure. A popular form of government gave a vent to the restless spirits which might otherwise have endangered the public quiet; and in the enjoyment of civil liberty and equality, the sovereignty of the foreign king was almost for

and at the same time to spread the terror of his name, and to strengthen his power in Europe. A large fleet was to sweep the Egean, and to exact obedience from the islands, while Mardonius himself led the land force into Greece, and on his way subdued the Thracian and Macedonian tribes which had not yet submitted. The fleet first directed its course to the island of Thasus, which still drew a large revenue from the gold-mines first opened there by the Phoenicians, as well as from others on the opposite continent. The wealth of the Thasians had tempted Histiæus, and his attack had induced them to increase their navy and to strengthen their fortifications. They now yielded to the Persians without a struggle; and the next year, when Darius, suspecting that their preparations were aimed against himself, commanded them to throw down their walls, and to surrender their ships, they acquiesced with equal readiness. But the Persian armament was soon after checked in its progress by a violent storm which overtook it off Mount Athos, and was thought to have destroyed not less than three hundred vessels and twenty thousand lives. Mardonius himself was not much more fortunate: in his march through Macedonia his camp was surprised in the night by the Brygians, an independent tribe of Thracian blood; he lost many of his troops, and A daughter of Olorus, from whom the father of Thucyd- was himself wounded. He punished this agides, the historian, who belonged to the family of Miltia-gression indeed, and did not leave the country

After the first transports of hostile fury had subsided, and the insult offered by the rebellion to the majesty of the empire had been sufficiently avenged, Artaphernes set about the regulation of the subdued country, and, in Roman language, reduced it to the form of a province. He extinguished all remains of independence in the Ionian cities, forbade them any longer to decide their quarrels by the sword, and compelled their deputies, whom he had summoned to Sardis for this purpose,† to bind themselves by treaties, which ought to have been the work of their own free will, to submit all their differences to arbitration. He then caused a survey to be taken of their territories, and apportioned their tribute according to the extent of the districts. Its whole amount was not increased. Thus tranquillity was restored, and order established, though at the expense of liberty; the cities revived, and no doubt recovered many of their former inhabitants, who had fled from them to avoid the first violence of the victorious enemy: from such a remnant, as

des, derived his name.

Among these deputies, according to Diodoros (Mai, ii., p. 381, was Hecateus, and the lonians are said to have been indebted to him for the mild terms they obtained from ArLaphernes. Diodorus says of Artaphernes, dédwKE TOs

νόμους τοῖς πόλεσιν, which would be more applicable to Mardonius.

VOL. I.-Hπ

till he had tamed the Brygians; but his forces were so weakened by these disasters, that he thought it prudent to end the campaign with this conquest, and returned to Asia.

The resolution of Darius was not shaken by