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though she bore no good-will to the Samians, by whose piracies she had suffered, and though she appears to have had no ground of complaint against Polycrates, was generally hostile to a tyrannical government, and ready to take every occasion of establishing oligarchy in its room. This motive was stronger with her than the love of liberty. The envoy of the Ionians, when they were threatened with slavery, had in vain exerted all his eloquence to rouse her sympathy in their behalf; but the Samian exiles were only rebuked for using many words, when a simple prayer would have been immediately granted. The Corinthians also lent their aid; and, thus re-enforced, the Samians renewed their attempt to overthrow the tyrant; but after fighting a sharp battle, and sustaining a siege for forty days, he appeared so strong that the Peloponnesians abandoned the undertaking

among which were probably an aqueduct and a mole, which Herodotus reckoned among the greatest wonders of Greece. He had employed the prisoners he took in his seafight with the Lesbians in digging a ditch round the walls of his capital; but his great buildings also served the purpose of furnishing employment to the poorer class of his subjects, perhaps at the expense of the rich. He himself lived in royal state and luxury; though when we hear that he imported dogs from Epirus, goats from Scyros, sheep from Miletus, and swine from Sicily,* we recognise the mind of a wise and active prince, bent on conferring solid benefits on his country. He cherished the arts for which Samos had been long renowned, and drew the most celebrated artists from other parts of Greece by munificent rewards. The poets whose strains were devoted to love and wine were the most welcome guests at his court, and the compan-in despair, and their friends were compelled to ions of his leisure. If Amasis gave him a les- resign themselves to the loss of their native son on the instability of his high fortune, it was land, and to seek a new home. After ranging probably from Ibycus and Anacreon that he for some time, as pirates, over the Egean, they sought the practical conclusion. Yet, in pur-took possession of Cydonia in Crete, and floursuing the pleasures which were long celebrated by the verse of the bard of Teos, he did not abuse his power, or disturb the domestic peace of his subjects, nor did he forget his ambitious aims and his plans of conquest. His hopes extended even beyond the command of the islands, and he began to think it possible that he might unite all the Ionian cities under his dominion.

ished there till they were conquered and enslaved by the Æginetans. Such was the issue of the first expedition sent out by the Spartans to the coast of Asia.

The power of Polycrates seemed to be rooted more firmly than ever after the vain efforts made by his enemies to shake it, and all domestic opposition being quelled, he again turned his views to the enlargement of his dominions.

But his authority at home rested on a basis which was always liable to be shaken or under-But when he thought himself on the point of mined. Polycrates felt that he was feared and respected more than he was loved, and that there was a party in Samos which only waited for a favourable opportunity to revolt. Fortune seemed, however, to throw a fair occasion in his way for ridding himself of these covert enemies decently and safely. While Cambyses was making his preparations for the invasion of Egypt, Polycrates offered to assist him with a squadron of ships. The Persian king gladly accepted the re-enforcement, and the tyrant equipped forty galleys, on which he embarked all the persons who had incurred his suspicions, at the same time, by a private message, requesting his royal ally to take care that they should never return to Samos. But the Samian malecontents, who probably had the entire command of the fleet, resolved to turn the force which had been placed in their hands against Polycrates himself. They sailed back, but found him on his guard, and some actions took place, in which they were finally worsted, yet not before they had put the tyrant in such jeopardy that he was forced to take the precaution of shutting up the wives and children of the other citizens in the arsenal, and threatening to set it on fire if any attempt was made in favour of the insurgents. But, though defeated in their immediate design, they were not crushed; and when they could no longer make a stand in the island, they sailed away to obtain foreign succours. It was to Sparta that they addressed themselves, though she had before refused to interpose in behalf of their brethren against Cyrus. But Hippias was ruling at Athens, and from him they could not expect assistance in such an enterprise. Sparta, on the other hand, Athen., xil, p. 540. ↑ Athen., u. s.

reaching the pinnacle of his ambition, he fell, as suddenly as he had risen, by a fate as cruel and ignominious as his fortune hitherto had been high and fair. Amasis had warned him against the envy of the gods, but he was not on his guard against the envy of man. One whom he was not conscious of having ever injured or provoked had secretly planned his ruin. This was Oretes, the satrap of Sardis. The motive that prompted his design was certainly, as the event proved, one in which some malignant feeling had a larger share than zeal for his own honour or his master's service. Polycrates, indeed, was the ally of Cambyses, and the vague projects of ambition which he was believed to harbour scarcely afforded a pretext for attacking him. It was so much the easier to draw him into the snare. The satrap sent him a message pretending that he had himself fallen under the displeasure of Cambyses, and saw no hopes of safety but in the protection of Polycrates: "Save me," he said, "and share my treasures: with them you may be master of Greece: if you doubt their amount, send a trusty servant, and satisfy yourself by his report." Polycrates caught at the bait: his messenger went, and came back from Sardis with a description of the satrap's treasury, which so inflamed his master's cupidity, that, in spite of all the warnings of his friends, and the entreaties of his daughter, he resolved to make a journey to Sardis himself. He set out with a numerous train, but when he arrived at Magnesia on the Mæander, he was arrested by the order of Orotes, and hung upon a cross. The Samians who accompanied him were dismissed, and the satrap made no attempt to take advantage of his death by any expedition against Samos.

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Soon after this event Cambyses died, accord- ging, still, in the reign of Darius, it approached ing to Herodotus, as he was marching through more nearly to the nature of an oligarchy than Syria against a usurper who had assumed the it had done before, while the whole Persian naname of a deceased son of Cyrus. The death tion, or at least its leading tribes, assumed a of Cambyses left the impostor in undisputed position in respect to the rest of the empirepossession of the throne, which he retained till similar to that of the sovereign people in a his fraud was detected. A conspiracy was then Greek democracy with regard to dependant formed against him by some noble Persians, towns. Whether the election of the new king who killed him in his palace, and chose one of was committed, as Herodotus relates, to the their own number to reign in his stead. It is will of Heaven, that is, to chance or fraud, or, not improbable that the account which Ctesias as is more probable, was the unanimous act of gave of these occurrences, and which differs the conspirators, it is equally certain that they from the story told by Herodotus in the names reserved for themselves privileges which tendof the principal actors, and in some other points ed at least to make them independent of the of no great moment, was drawn from the Per- monarch, and even to keep him dependant upon sian court chronicles, and may therefore be en- them. One of their number is even said to titled to greater credit than the narrative of the have formally stipulated for absolute exemption earlier historian. Nevertheless, it is the latter from the royal authority as the condition on who enables us to form the clearest notion of which he withdrew his claim to the crown and the general nature of the revolution, which, the rest acquired the right of access to the though it was only a temporary change of dy- king's person at all seasons without asking his nasty, was attended with consequences very leave, and bound him to select his wives eximportant both to Persia and to Greece. The clusively from their families. How far the pow usurper, who is said to have reigned for a fewer of Darius, though nominally despotic, was months under the name of the brother of Cam- really limited by these privileges of his granbyses, was a Magian: a member of a sacerdo-dees, may be seen from an occurrence which tal caste, which Herodotus numbers among the tribes that composed the Median nation. He was supported by all the influence of his class, and though he passed for the legitimate successor of Cyrus, he undoubtedly promoted the interests of his nation as far as he could do it without dropping his mask. We are informed that he opened his reign by a general remission of tribute and military service for three years, and that his death was regretted by all his subjects throughout Asia, except the Persians. They, it is probable, were deprived of the privileges and distinctions they had enjoyed as the conquering people, and were reduced to a level with the rest of the empire. The counter-revIolution by which the Magian was dethroned was effected by Persians of the highest rank, and was accompanied by a general massacre which their countrymen made among the Magian tribe, and which continued long after to be commemorated by a yearly festival. The person whom this event placed on the throne of Cyrus, and whom the Greeks knew by the name of Darius, son of Hystaspes, belonged to the Nevertheless, Darius was the greatest and royal house of the Achæmenids, and his father most powerful king that ever filled the throne had been governor of the province of Persis du- of Persia, and even the disasters he experienring the preceding reigns. In relating the de-ced but slightly clouded the remembrance of his liberations of the conspirators after the death wisdom and his prosperity. Cyrus and Camof the usurper, Herodotus introduces an episode, byses had conquered nations: Darius was the which, as it is evidently fictitious, seems also, true founder of the Persian state. The dominat first sight, strangely misplaced. He repre- ions of his predecessors were a mass of counsents them as discussing the relative merits of tries only united by their subjection to the will the democratical, the oligarchical, and the mo- of a common ruler, which expressed itself by narchical forms of government, with arguments arbitrary and irregular exactions: Darius first not unlike those employed by the Corinthian organized them into an empire, where every Sosicles in the congress of Sparta, and as final-member felt its place and knew its functions. ly persuaded by Darius to retain the hereditary His realm stretched from the Ægean to the Inpatriarchal Constitution. This imaginary debate seems, however, to have been suggested by a real fact; it is clear that, although the government preserved its monarchical form, which no one could ever have dreamed of chan

*The substance of this remark is due to Heeren, 1. i., p. 415, who, however, places it in a somewhat different light, and attributes a higher degree of historical accuracy to the story in Herodotus than we are able to recognise.

took place in the early part of his reign. Intaphernes, one of the seven, appeared one day at the gate of the palace, and claimed admission to the royal presence: the king was in his harem, the only privacy into which even the partners in the conspiracy, by the terms of the original compact, were forbidden to intrude. The door-keepers accordingly stopped Intaphernes; but disbelieving the excuse they alleged, and indignant at their pertinacity, he drew his cimeter and mutilated their faces. Darius, indeed, revenged himself for this outrage by putting Intaphernes to death, and almost entirely extirpating his family. But before he ventured to take this step, he thought it necessary to sound the rest of the six, and to ascertain whether they would make common cause with the offender. He was probably glad to remove men so formidable to distant governments; and it may easily be conceived, that if their power was so great at court, it was still less restrained in the provinces that were subjected to their authority.

dus, from the steppes of Scythia to the cataracts of the Nile. He divided this vast tract into twenty satrapies or provinces, and appointed the tribute which each was to pay to the royal treasury, and the proportion in which they were to supply provisions for the army and for the king's household. The proper Persis alone was exempt from the new system of taxation, and was only charged with its ancient custom

ary gifts. The rest, besides the fixed amount | the revenues of whole cities to a wife or a faof the precious metals, contributed a certain vourite, he did not give up any portion of his portion of their peculiar and most valuable pro- own dues. And the discharge of all these staductions; among these were herds of eunuchs, ted exactions did not secure his subjects from boys, and virgins. A high road, on which dis- the arbitrary demands of his satraps and their tances were regularly marked, and spacious officers. buildings were placed at convenient intervals If the people suffered from the establishment to receive all who travelled in the king's name, of these mighty viceroys, their greatness was connected the western coast with the seat of not less injurious to the strength of the state government along this road couriers, trained and the power of the sovereign. As the whole to extraordinary speed, successively transmit-authority, civil and military, in each province ted the king's messages. The satraps were ac- was lodged in the hands of the satrap, he could countable for the imposts of their several prov-wield it at his pleasure, without any check inces, and were furnished with forces sufficient to carry the king's pleasure into effect.

from within; and if he was unwilling to resign it, it was not always easy to wrest it from him. The greater his distance from the court, the nearer he approached to the condition of an independent and absolute prince. He was seldom, indeed, tempted to cast off his nominal allegiance, which he found more useful than

Compared with the rude government of his predecessors, the institutions of Darius were wise and vigorous: in themselves, unless they are considered as foundations laid for a strucsure that was never raised, as outlines that were never filled up, they were weak and bar-burdensome, or to withhold the tribute which barous. He had done little more than cast a bridge across the chaos over which he ruled; he had introduced no real uniformity or subordination among its elements. The distribution of its provinces, indeed, may have been grounded on relations which we do not perceive, and may therefore be less capricious than it seems. But it answered scarcely any higher end than that of eonveying the wealth of Asia into the royal treasury, and the satraps, when they were most faithful and assiduous in their office, were really nothing more than farmers of the revenue. Their administration was only felt in the burdens they imposed in every other respect the nations they governed retained their peculiar laws and constitution. The Persian Empire included in it the dominions of several vassal kings, and the seats of fierce independent hordes, who preyed on its more peaceful subjects with impunity. In this, however, there was much good, and comparatively little mischief. The variety of institutions comprehend-rence took place, which, as it illustrates the oped within the frame of the monarchy, though they were suffered to stand, not from any enlarged policy, but because it would have been difficult or dangerous to remove them, and there was nothing better to substitute for them, did not impair, but rather increased its strength; and the independence of a few wild tribes was more a symptom than a cause of weakness. The worst evil arose from the Constitution of the satrapies themselves. The provinces were taxed not only for the supply of the royal revenue, and for the maintenance of the royal army and household, but also for the support of their governors, each of whom had a standing force in his pay, and of whom some kept up a court rivalling in magnificence that of the king himself.

The province of Babylon, besides its regular tribute, and the fixed revenue of its satrap, which was equal to that of a modern European prince of the first rank, defrayed the cost of a stud and a hunting equipage for his private use, such as no European prince was ever able to maintain. Four large villages were charged with the nourishment of his Indian dogs, and exempted from all other taxes. It must, however, be observed, that when an extraordinary burden was thus laid on a particular district, the rest of the province was not relieved, but more heavily loaded. When the king granted

he had only the task of collecting; but he might often safely refuse any other services, and defy or elude the king's commands with impunity; and least of all was he subject to control in any acts of rapacity or oppression committed in his legitimate government. Xenophon, indeed, in his romance,* represents the founder of the monarchy as having provided against this evil by a wise division of power. Cyrus is there said to have appointed that the commanders of the fortresses and of the regular troops in each province should be independent of the satrap, and should receive their orders immediately from court. And a modern author finds traces of this system in the narrative of Herodotus himself. But it seems clear that if the conqueror designed to establish such a balance of power, it was neglected by his successors, and that the satraps engrossed every branch of the royal authority within their governments. Soon after the accession of Darius, an occureration of the system just described, and is connected, though remotely, with Grecian history, deserves to be mentioned here. We have seen that Orœtes, without having received any commission, and apparently without any view to the public service, put the king's ally to an ignominious death. For this act he was never called to account: during the usurpation of the Magian he was still more reckless: he had quarrelled with the governor of the adjacent province, and he now contrived to seize him and his son, and murdered them both. Even after this outrage he would perhaps have escaped punishment, if he had not also waylaid and murdered a courier who had brought him an unwelcome message from Darius. And the king would have been forced to send an

*Cyrop., v., 6. In Econ., iv., 6, also the civil and military authority are said to be kept separate in the Persian provinces. But it is added, 11, that where a satrap is apSchneider's note on Cyr., vili., 6, 3. pointed, he superintends both classes of officers.

See

Heeren, Ideen, 1. 1, p. 403, remarks that in Lydia, Mazares commanded the army, and Tabalus the garrison of Sardis, while Pactyas had the care of the treasure. But Partyas seems only to have been charged with a temporary commission, Her, 1, 153, and Mazares was only sent to quell the revolt. The same remark may be made on anothWhat can be in erred as to this point from Arrian, 11., 2, we er instance which he alleges, at p. 491, from Her., v., 27. do not understand.

army against him, had he not been surrounded ly resembling the Spartan. They may have

by a guard of a thousand Persians, whose reverence for the royal name was stronger than their attachment to Orates. This was discovered by a trusty servant of Darius, who with their aid put the satrap to death in his palace at Sardis, and carried away his treasures to Susa.

been accustomed to spare diet and hard toil, and trained to the use of horses and arms. These exercises do not create, and are not suf ficient to keep alive the warlike spirit of a nation, any more than rules and precepts to form its moral character. The Persian youth may still have been used to repeat the praises of truth and justice from their childhood, in the later period of their history, as they had when Cyrus upbraided the Greeks with their artifices and lies; and yet, in riper years, they might surpass them, as at Cunaxa, in falsehood and cunning, as much as they were below them in skill and courage. Gradually, however, the ancient discipline either became wholly obsolete, or degenerated into empty forms; and the nation sank into that state of utter corruption and imbecility which Xenophon, or the author of the chapter which concludes his historical romance, has painted, not as the rest, from his imagination, but from the life.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE BATTLE OF MARATHON.

Thus the huge frame of the Persian Empire was disjointed and unwieldy, and the spirit that pervaded it was as feeble as its organization was imperfect. The Persians, when they overthrew the Medes, adopted their laws, religion, and manners; their own, though they may have resembled them in their principal features, were certainly more simple and better fitted to a conquering people. The religion of the two nations was probably derived from a common source; but, before the Persian conquest, it appears to have undergone an important change in the reformation ascribed to Zoroaster. In what points his doctrines may have differed from those of the preceding period, is an obscure question with which we have no concern; but it seems certain that the code of sacred laws which he introduced, founded, or at least enlarged, the authority and influence of the Magian caste. Its members became the FROM THE ACCESSION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES TO keepers and expounders of the holy books, the teachers and counsellors of the king, the oracles DARIUS HYSTASPES was not a conqueror like from whom he learned the Divine will and the Cyrus or Cambyses: the ruling maxim of his secrets of futurity, the mediators who obtained government seems to have been, to aim rather for him the favour of Heaven or propitiated its at consolidating and securing his empire than anger. How soon the tenets of their theology at enlarging it; and though he was engaged in may have been introduced into Persia is not wars almost throughout his whole reign, they clear; but as they were a Median tribe, it is all partook of a defensive character, and were only with the union of the two nations under the result of prudence, or necessity, or chance, Cyrus that they can have begun to occupy the rather than of deliberate ambition. Hence it station which we find them filling at the Persian arose that his attention was chiefly turned tocourt. If the religion of Zoroaster was origi- wards the western side of his dominions, where nally pure and sublime, it speedily degenerated, accidental causes brought him into collision and allied itself to many very gross and hideous with the Grecks, and produced those memoforms of superstition; and if we were to judge rable events which we are now about to relate. of its tendency by the practice of its votaries, Had his genius resembled that of his predeceswe should be led to think of it more harshly or sors, he would probably have directed his views more lightly than it may probably have deserv- towards the East, where the kingdoms of India ed. The court manners were equally marked lay open to his arms. On this side, the Indus by luxury and cruelty: by luxury, refined till it appears to have been the boundary of his emhad killed all natural enjoyment; and by cruel-pire, and the Indians who composed the twentity, carried to the most loathsome excesses that perverted ingenuity could suggest. It is, above all, the atrocious barbarity of the women that fills the Persian chronicles with their most horrid stories; and we learn from the same sources the dreadful depravity of their character, and the vast extent of their influence. Cramped by the rigid forms of a pompous and wearisome ceremonial, surrounded by the ministers of their artificial wants, and guarded from every breath of truth and freedom, the successors of Cyrus must have been more than men if they had not become the slaves of their priests, their eunuchs, and their wives.

eth satrapy, and whose tributes, according to Herodotus, exceeded a third of that of all the remainder, were probably the inhabitants of the modern Candahar, and Čabul, and the adjacent lands west of the Indus. Of the vast and rich country beyond he knew only by report, which, however, had undoubtedly spread the fanie of its wonderful fertility and opulence; but though he employed a Greek navigator, Seylax of Caryanda, to follow the Indus into the ocean, and to survey the coast from its mouth westward, he does not seem to have formed any settled de sign of conquest in this quarter.

Soon after his accession to the throne he was The contagion of these vices undoubtedly invited to turn his arms against Greece, and the spread through the nation: the Persians were invitation cune from Greeks in whom a selfish most exposed to it, as they were in the imme-interest had overpowered all patriotic feelings. diate neighbourhood of the court. Yet there is The occasion arose out of the misfortunes of no difficulty in conceiving that, long after the Polycrates. When he fell into the hands of people had lost the original purity and simplicity the satrap of Sardis, he was accompanied, not of their manners, the noble youth of Persia may only by Samians, but by a number of attendhave been still educated in the severe discipline ants, natives of other countries, who in various of their ancestors, which is represented as near-ways had become retainers of his court. The

Samians, as we have seen, were dismissed, but | driven into exile, had taken refuge in Egypt. the foreigners were kept in prison at Sardis till There he met with Darius, who was serving the death of Orates, when they were transport-among the guards of Cambyses, and was lucky ed, with his confiscated treasures, to Susa. enough to oblige the future king of Persia by Among these captives was a physician named presenting him with a cloak which had chanced Democedes, a native of Croton. He had gain- to catch his fancy. When he heard of the reved so high a reputation in Greece, that, having olution which had placed a man who was inbeen driven by domestic troubles from his na-debted to him on the throne of Persia, Syloson tive town, he was first engaged by the Agine- went to court, and gained admittance to the tans in the public service at a fixed yearly sal-king. Darius bade him name his reward: he ary, and next by the Athenians, at one higher by two thirds; but Polycrates, with his usual munificence, outbade them, and attracted him to Samos. Democedes remained for a time neglected at Susa; at length an accident restored him to liberty and to his country: Darius had dislocated a foot in hunting. His Egyptian surgeons, the only ones that practised the art in Persia, did not possess science sufficient for this case, and, instead of relieving their patient, aggravated his sufferings by their rude attempts to set the limb. While the king lay in torment, a report reached him of the skill of Democedes. The Greek at first would have concealed his art, through fear that it might be the means of detaining him in a perpetual, though honourable exile. At length, however, he was induced to exert it, and soon effected a complete cure. The king loaded him with gold, and was ready to grant him everything but what he most wished, leave to return to his country. This it was hopeless to ask.

After a time, Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, and the most honoured among the wives of Darius, also needed the aid of Democedes. In the course of his attendance he excited her curiosity by his description of his native land, and either inspired her with a wish to have Greek damsels to wait upon her, or, at least, persuaded her to say so to the king. Such Herodotus conceives to have been the means by which Darius was induced to send Democedes home, guarded by a small number of Persians, who were directed to survey the coasts of Greece and of Southern Italy under his guidance, and to bring him back to Persia; and he considers this mission as a preliminary step taken with a view to the invasion of Greece. Since, however, one of its objects clearly was to indulge the exile with a short visit to his country, it is, at least, very doubtful whether Darius intended anything more than to take advantage of the opportunity, and procure some certain information concerning a region of which he had only an indistinct notion, and which was interesting to him from its vicinity to his own dominions, as well as from what he had seen of its natives. Democedes, when he had landed at Croton, of course refused to go on board again, and his companions were unable to compel him: they were themselves wrecked on the southern coast of Italy, and made slaves, but were redeemed and carried back to Persia by a Tarentine named Gillus, who was then in exile, and hoped to regain his footing in his native city by Persian succour. By command of Darius, the Cnidians used their influence, which was great at Tarentum, in his favour, but without success.

The next consequence that flowed from the calamity of Polycrates was the ruin of Samos. His younger brother, Syloson, when he was

asked to be put in possession of the inheritance of his deceased brother, and to be made tyrant of Samos. The island was at this time subject to Mæandrius, whom Polycrates had left governor when he set out on his last journey. On the tyrant's death his vicegerent was at first willing to resign his authority; he dedicated an altar and a plot of ground to Jupiter, under the title of the Liberator, called his fellow-citizens together, and declared his intention of restoring them to liberty: all he proposed to reserve for himself from the property of Polycrates was a sum sufficient for a decent maintenance, and the enjoyment of the land he had consecrated, which he desired should remain in his family, together with the priesthood annexed to it. Some private enemy of Maandrius, or some severe republican, imprudently objected to this modest request, while he had it still in his power to retract his offer. Finding that he could not descend safely, he resolved to keep his ground, and secured the persons of the principal citizens. During an illness from which he seemed not likely to recover, one of his brothers put them all to death. In the mean while Darius had sent Otanes, one of the Seven, with an army to restore Syloson. The Persian force was so numerous as to make resistance hopeless, and Mæandrius capitulated on condition of being allowed to quit the island. The terms were granted, and the chief Persians took their seats near the foot of the citadel to wait for their fulfilment. Mæandrius had another brother named Charilaus, a hairbrained youth, whom he had thrown into prison for some offence. Charilaus had heard what was passing without, and through the bars of his dungeon he could see the Persian nobles quietly seated in the suburb. He demanded an interview with his brother, and urged him to take advantage of the enemy's unguarded posture, or, if he shrank from the enterprise himself, to permit him to try his fortune. Mæandrius caring little about the event, and not sorry, at least, to imbitter Syloson's triumph, left the young man to his discretion. While he withdrew through a covered passage to the ship that was to carry him away, Charilaus armed the garrison, threw open the gates of the citadel, and suddenly fell upon the unsuspecting Persians and cut them to pieces. But their farther progress was soon checked by the main body of the Persian army, which drove them back into the fortress. This was reduced; and Otanes, indignant at the treachery, though Darius had ordered him to spare the lives of the Samians, commanded an indiscriminate slaughter, without regard to age or to place, profane or sacred. Then he formed his men into a line stretching from sea to sea, and, after the fashion of an Oriental chase, drove the whole population of the island before him, cooped them up in a corner, and carried

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