founded by Dorians from Trozen, and Cnidus, on the same coast, by others from Laconia: a third band from Epidaurus took possession of the island of Cos, which rivalled its parent in the worship of Esculapius. These six colonies formed an association, from which several others of the same race, and in their neighbourhood, were excluded, and which, after Halicarnassus had been compelled to withdraw from it, was distinguished by the name of the Dorian pentapolis. Rhodes was probably the parent of most of the Greek colonies on the south coast of Asia Minor, several of which were ascribed to Argos, from which she herself sprang. She may also have contributed to form the Greek population of Lycia, a race renowned for its heroic valour, and for the wisdom of its political institutions; though there is no reason to queswith Greece, which appears both in the Homeric story of Bellerophon, and in the legend that the country owed its name to Lycus, son of the Attic king Pandion. We even find traces of Greek adventurers far inland, in Pisidia, where the Leleges formed part of the ancient popu

were distinguished from all the other Ionian cities by a peculiar dialect. We do not find any more distinct account of the mode in which Samos attained to the same rank, though in other respects its early history seems somewhat clearer. It had received an Ionian colony originally sprung from Epidaurus, which shared it with its ancient inhabitants, the Leleges. The Ephesians, under Androclus, made war on the new settlers, and succeeded in driving them out of the island. A part crossed the sea to Samothrace (which, according to some authors, derived its name from them, having been before called Dardania), and there united with the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians; but another body seized a place called Anæa, on the opposite shore of Asia, and there waited for an opportunity of returning to Samos. They found means of doing so ten years after, and ejected the Ephe-tion its Cretan origin, and its early connexion sians. It must have been after this event that they took their place in the Ionian body, to which, indeed, their origin gave them a claim, though they were not governed by Attic princes, but by the descendants of the old Epidaurian kings. It was, perhaps, a necessary concession to the power and importance of the isl-lation, and Selge, the most considerable of the and. We are the less entitled to suppose that any other Ionians were blended with them, as the dialect of Samos was peculiar to itself.

Pisidian towns, and Sagalassus, boasted a Laconian origin.

Teucer, whose son Ajax was believed to have founded the temple of Jupiter at Olbe, in the mountains of Cilicia, where the priests, who were also princes of the surrounding district, long assumed the names of Ajax or Teucer.*

To the same period-the century following the To these twelve cities another was subse- Dorian conquest-may probably be referred the quently added, which has had the extraordinary Greek colonies in Cyprus, though most of them fortune to retain its name and its prosperity to claimed a much higher antiquity, and ascribed the present day. This was Smyrna : according their foundation to the heroes who had fought to Herodotus, originally an Eolian colony, at Troy: as Paphus to the Arcadian Agapenor; treacherously seized by a body of exiles from Amathus and others to followers of AgamemColophon; but another account, resting appa-non; Soli to the sons of Theseus; Salamis to rently on better authority, represents it as first founded by Ionians from Ephesus, where a part of the ancient town once bore the name of Smyrna.* It was wrested from these settlers by the Æolians, and the Colophonian refugees, though they acquired it by violence, might be We must here drop the history of the Asiatic considered as asserting a rightful claim. It is, colonies, to which we shall shortly return to perhaps, only a distorted form of the same ac- observe their condition and progress. A long count, which describes Smyrna as having suc-interval seems to have elapsed before the state ceeded to the place of a town called Melite, the thirteenth of the list, which was destroyed by the common consent of the other twelve.† But the whole story raises a doubt as to the reason assigned by Herodotus for the number of the Ionian states.

of the mother-country gave occasion to new migrations, and then they took, for the most part, an opposite direction. It was in the course of the century following the beginning of the Olympiads that the Greeks established themselves on the coast of Sicily, and spread so far The southwest corner of the Asiatic peninsu- over the south of Italy that it acquired the name la, and the neighbouring islands, were occupied of Great, or the Greater Greece. These colonearly at the same period by colonists of a dif- nies, like those of Asia, were of various origin, ferent race. Several of the Dorian conquerors some Eolian or Achæan, some Dorian, some themselves were drawn into the tide of migra- Ionian. The Ionians led the way; and the city tion, and led bands, composed partly of their of Chalcis in Euboea, perhaps originally inhabown countrymen, and partly of the conqueredited by an Ionian race, but which is said to have Achæans, to the coast of Asia. The most cel- received Athenian settlers both before and after ebrated of these expeditions is that which we have already had occasion to mention, of the Argive Althæmenes, who, leaving one division of his followers in Crete, proceeded with the rest to Rhodes, where, according to a legend which probably arose out of this colony, the Heracleid Tlepolemus had founded the cities of Lindus, Ialysus, and Camirus before the Trojan war. About the same time Halicarnassus was some false friends, who, with aid afforded by the tyrants of Chios, Amphiclus and Polytecnus, established an oppressive oligarchy at Erythre, which was afterward overthrown by Hippotes, brother of Cnopus.

* Strabo, xiv., p. 633.

+ Vitruvius, iv., 1.

the Trojan war, sent out, if not the first Greek adventurers who explored the Italian and Sicilian coast, yet the first who were known to have gained a permanent footing there. Indeed, according to a generally-received tradition, Cuma, in the part of Italy afterward called Campania, was founded by a Chalcidian colony, in the middle of the century following the return of the Heracleids; and one of the dates assigned for its foundation would even make it precede that of the Eolian Cuma, from which the Campanian city was believed to have derived both its * Strab, xiv., p. 672.

THE COLONIES.

name and a part of its population. It seems better to suppose that its antiquity has been greatly exaggerated than that it owed its name to a third Cuma in Euboea, which is otherwise But it is singular that, actotally unknown. cording to the common calculation, for three centuries no adventurers followed in the same track; and that even then, if we may believe Ephorus, the first Greek settlement in Sicily was the result of a fortunate chance, which revealed the richness of the country and the Till weakness of its inhabitants to Theocles, an Athenian, who was driven upon its coast. then the Greeks are said to have been deterred no less by the ferocity of the islanders than by the Etruscan pirates who infested their waters. On his return to Greece, Theocles first endeavoured to induce his fellow-citizens to send out a colony to Sicily, and when he failed in this attempt, addressed himself to the Chalcidians, with whom he was more successful.* Chalcis was at this time, as for more than two centuries afterward, under the government of the great landowners, who seem to have had political motives for encouraging emigration among the poorer citizens. It had, perhaps, already planted several colonies in the Peninsula, which, with the three branches that it throws out towards the southeast, forms so remarkable a feature in the aspect of the Ægæan Sea, and which hence acquired the name of Chalcidicé, though a considerable part of its Greek population was derived from Eretria, the neighbour and rival of Chalcis. The Isle of Naxos also took a part in the colony which Theocles led from Chalcis to the west-a part so important that the name of Naxos was given to the town which it founded on the eastern coast of Sicily, though Chalcis was acknowledged as its parent. The date of this event may be most probably fixed at Ol. xi., 2, B.C. 735 t

Sicily was at this time inhabited by at least four distinct races: by Sieanians, whom Thucydides considers as a tribe of the Iberians, who, sprung perhaps from Africa, had overspread Spain and the adjacent coasts, and even remote islands of the Mediterranean; by Sicels, an Italian people, probably not more foreign to the Greeks than the Pelasgians, who had been driven out of Italy by the progress of the Oscan or Ausonian race, and in their turn had pressed the Sicanians back towards the southern and western parts of the island, and themselves occupied so large a portion of it as to give their name to the whole. Of the other races, the Phoenicians were in possession of several points on the coast, and of some neighbouring islets, from

tradition, by observing that the Chalcidians un-
der Theocles were the first Greeks who gained
a footing in Sicily.

The Sicels and the Phoenicians gradually re-
treated before the Greeks, whose colonies, in
the course of a century, covered the eastern
and southern sides of the island. But the Si-
cels maintained themselves in the island and on
the north coast, and the Phoenicians, or Cartha-
ginians who succeeded them, established them-
selves in the west, where they possessed the
under the name of Palermo, to become the cap-
towns of Motya, Solus, and Panormus, destined,
ital of Sicily. The Chalcidians of Naxos soon
after planted the new colonies of Leontium and
Catana, and the two cities which command the
straits were also of Chalcidian origin. The
peculiarly advantageous site of Messina had be-
fore attracted the Sicels, who, from the form of
its harbour, gave their town the name of Zan-
clé (a sickle). It was then seized by pirates
from the Italian Cuma, who were afterward
strengthened by new adventurers from Chalcis.
Rhegium is said to have been founded, under
the immediate direction of the Delphic oracle,
by a band of Chalcidians, who had been conse-
crated to Apollo, after the manner of the Italian
Sacred Spring, to avert a famine, and were join-
ed by Messenian exiles forced to quit their coun-
try on the fall of Ithomé.*

which they carried on their commerce with the natives. The fourth people, which inhabited the towns of Eryx and Egesta, or Segesta, at the western end of the island, and bore the name of Elymians, was probably composed of different tribes, varying in their degrees of affinity to the Greeks; though we cannot adopt the Greek legend which represented them as fugitives from Troy, mixed with Phocians, or with followers of Philoctetes; and Thucydides himself seems to mark the uncertainty of the

Strabo, v., p. 267.

This. however, cannot be safely inferred from Conon, 20. There is no proof that Conou's Theoclus is, as Raoul Rochette assumes (Hist. de Col. Gr, i., p. 202), the same person with Theocles the founder of Naxos.

But the Greek cities in Sicily which rose to the highest pitch of prosperity and renown were of Dorian foundation. Of these, Syracuse was founded the year after Naxos, by Corinthians, under a leader named Archias, a Heracleid, and probably of the ruling caste, who appears to have been compelled to quit his country to avoid the effects of the indignation which he had excited by a horrible outrage committed in a famanother Heracleid, Chersicrates, whom he left ily of lower rank. He was accompanied by with a division of his followers in the island of Corcyra, then inhabited by Liburnians, and by a colony of Eretrians, who were expelled by the Corinthians. Corcyra was only one, though the most important of a series of colonies planted by Corinth on the eastern coast of the Adriatic and the Ionian Sea. Syracuse became, in course of time, the parent of other Sicilian cities, among which Camarina was the most considerable. Megara, which had not long become independent of Corinth, followed her ancient sovereign in this field of enterprise, though, as her position naturally directed her attention to an opposite quarter, her inost flourishing and celebrated colonies lay on the coasts of the Propontis and the Bosporus, where, about a century after the foundation of Rome, she planted the future rival of the eternal city, Byzantium. In Sicily, Megarian adventurers, after many vicissitudes, succeeded in establishing themselves at Hybla, which was betrayed to them by a Sicel chief, and was henceforth called the Hyblaan Megara, but became most famous as the mother of the aspiring and ill-fated Selinus (B.C. 628). Forty-five years after Syracuse, Gela was founded

* Strabo and Heraclides assign a different epoch and motive for this Messenian migration, which they refer to the civil dissensions in Messenia which preceded the first war But the Messenians who went into exile as partisans of Ani., 7, 9). not to have left Peloponnesus. droclus seem, from Paus., iv., 14, 3 (quoted by Mueller, Dor.,

+ Plutarch, Am. Narr., ii.

by a band collected from Crete and Rhodes, | civil discord ;* and this, though seemingly at chiefly from Lindus, and about a century later variance with the traditions of the two places (B.C. 582) sent forth settlers to the banks of where the truth might have been supposed to the Acragas, where they built Agrigentum. Hibe best known,† is not more inconsistent with mera, long the only Greek city on the north side them than they are with each other, and differs of the island, was peopled by a colony composed from them chiefly in the most marvellous and of Chalcidians from Zanclé, and of Dorians, ex-improbable particulars of the story. Our cuniles from Syracuse.

osity might be more reasonably excited to inWithin half a century after the Greeks first quire how it happened that no Greek colonists set foot in Sicily, they founded most of the great had taken the same course before. A rumour, cities in the south of Italy. The rivals Sybaris at least, of the fertility of Libya had reached the and Croton were both of Achæan origin, though Greeks in the time of Homer, as appears from in the former the Achæan colonists were ac- the fable of the Lotus-eaters, and from the mancompanied by Trozenians, whom they after-ner in which he speaks of it in describing the ward expelled, and the latter received settlers wanderings of Menelaus. Yet in the legend from Laconia, who may have been accompanied of Battus it is supposed to have been still an by some Dorians. Such seems also to have unknown country at Thera when he embarked been the case with Locri, called, from the neigh-on his expedition, and to have been discovered bouring promontory, Zephyrium, the Epizephyr- only under the especial guidance of the Delphic ian. The ancients themselves were not agreed oracle. The part of Africa where the Therawhether it was founded by the Locrians of Opus ans finally settled, after a short sojourn on a or by those of the Crissæan Gulf. It seems small island near the coast, was the singular clear that it owed a part of its population to table-land which rises on the eastern border the aristocratical jealousy of the parent state, of the greater Syrtis. Enclosed between the which excluded the offspring of marriages con- sea and the desert, and defensible on the side tracted between parties of unequal birth from where it is least difficult of access, this favourthe enjoyment of political rights.* At Locri, ed region seems destined by nature for the seat also, the Achæans, and perhaps the Dorians of of a powerful maritime state. Blessed with inLaconia, took a share in the colony. Taren- exhaustible sources of wealth, and with a pure tum, occupied, on the occasion already related, and temperate air, it seemed, beyond almost by Laconian settlers at the end of the first Mes- every other shore of the Mediterranean, to insenian war, seems to have been still earlier vite the industry of a people like the Greeks to peopled by a Hellenic race, though they are draw forth its manifold treasures. But it is variously described as Cretans or Achæans. still more remarkable that it appears to have Subsequently Sybaris invited a new colony of been also overlooked or neglected by the PhoAchæans to take possession of Metapontum, nicians; perhaps because their attention was which, according to the common Greek tradi- early drawn from Sicily to the opposite coast tion, had been before founded, in the general of Africa, and thence to the west of Europe. dispersion of the Return from Troy, by follow- At the distance of ten miles from a part of the ers of Nestor: Ephorus, perhaps on better his- coast which, with a little aid of art, afforded a torical ground, related that its first founder was commodious harbour, near the gushing spring a chief named Daulius, who ruled at Crissa. of Cyré, the Greeks founded Cyrene, and soon The dominion of the Greeks in this region was converted the adjacent land into a luxuriant extended and secured by several flourishing garden, while they extracted from its rocky colonies of the greater cities, among which Po- basis the materials of imperishable monuments. sidonia (Pæstum), by its ruins, still attests the Cyrene became, as Pindar expresses it, the root ancient power and magnificence of Sybaris. of other cities-perhaps of several which have been forgotten. Four of them-its port Apollonia, Barcé, Tauchira, and Hesperis, which seemed by its fortunate position to rival or realize the fabulous garden of the Hesperides-composed, with the capital, what in later times was called the Cyrenaic pentapolis.

The tribes which preceded the Greeks in the possession of this region appear to have made room for them without any struggle: they are even said to have served as guides to the new

In the latter half of the seventh century before our era, a country perhaps still richer and more delightful than any hitherto mentioned was opened to the Greeks. We have already given an account of the migration in which Theras led a colony, chiefly of the Minyan race, from Laconia to the island then called Callisté, which is said from him to have taken the name of Thera. We do not venture, amid the contradictory statements of the ancient authors on a subject in its own nature obscure, to deter-settlers, whom they probably found useful neighmine the causes which, between four and five centuries later, induced Battus, one of the principal citizens of Thera, to undertake an expedition to the north coast of Africa. One account represents his enterprise as the result of

*See Heyne, Opusc., ii., p. 46. The new fragments of Polybius (Mai, 11, p. 384) represent the Locriaus to have been allies of Sparta in the first Messenian war, which is also intimated by Eustathius on Dion., p. 364; but it does not appear how they otherwise confirm the participation of Sparta in the colonization of Locri, as Mueller remarks in a note, vol. i., p. 146, of the English translation.

+ The change of name has also been accounted for by the supposition that Calliste was a corruption of the Phenician word signifying the chase, which is also the meaning of the Greek name Thera.

bours, as a European colony would be to the Bedouins who now range over the same tracts. But their habits must have kept the two races completely apart from each other; and the legend of the sons of Antenor, who had accompanied Helen from Troy, and terminated their wanderings in the vicinity of Cyrene, where they afterward received religious honours, may have been founded simply on the relation subsisting between the Greeks and the friendly barbarians, in whose land they had peaceably

fixed their seats.*

THE COLONIES.

Afterward, however, in the reign of a second Battus, grandson of the first, the colony was increased by a great influx of adventurers from various parts of Greece, who were invited by the Cyrenæans, under the sanction of the Delphic oracle, to share the fertile soil. But these new settlements could not be formed without encroaching on the neighbouring Libyans, who, too weak to defend their territory, sought aid from Egypt. The Egyptian king Apries sent them succours, which, however, were repulsed by the Greeks with a terrible slaughter, and the Greek dominion was firmly established in Cyrenaica.

We have not yet surveyed the whole extent of the colonies founded by the Greeks during this period. But as those which remain to be mentioned will be included in the view which we are about to take of the progress of the Asiatic Greeks, it may be most convenient to pause here for the purpose of making a few remarks on certain general features of the Greek colonies. The points we mean to touch upon are the relation in which the colonists mostly stood to the parent state, and the political forms which arose out of their new condition.

The

ed the old model, and it is not improbable that
the priests who ministered to them were some-
times brought from their ancient seats.*
on the public hearth of the colony, was taken
sacred fire, which was kept constantly burning
from the altar of Vesta in the council-hall of
the elder state. The founder of a colony, who
might be considered as representing its parent
city, was honoured after his death with sacred
rites, as a being of a higher order; and when
the colony in its turn became a parent, it usu-
ally sought a leader from the original mother-
tlement. The same reverential feeling manifest-
country to direct the planting of the new set-
ed itself more regularly in embassies and offer-
ings sent by the colony to honour the festivals
of the parent city, and in the marks of respect
shown to its citizens who represented it on
similar occasions in the colony. But the most
valuable fruit of this feeling was a disposition
to mutual good offices in seasons of danger and
distress.

many other gradations of rank were frequently
introduced by the accession of new adventu-
rers, who, though willingly received, could sel-
dom be admitted on a footing of perfect equali-
ty with the first settlers. On the other hand,
the maritime position and pursuits of the colo-
nies, and the very spirit in which they were
founded, was highly unfavourable to the perma-
nence of an aristocratical ascendency. A pow-
erful and enterprising commonalty soon sprang
up, and the natural tendency of the state to-
wards a complete democracy could seldom be
restrained, except by the adoption of a liberal
standard of property as the measure of political
rights.

With regard to the position of the colonists in their new country, it must be observed, that as conquerors in a land already inhabited and they almost everywhere established themselves The migrations of the Greek colonists were cultivated, and partially, if not entirely, disposBut in commonly undertaken with the approbation and sessed its ancient owners. The terms on which encouragement of the states from which they they might live with those of the old inhabitants issued; and it frequently happened that the who were suffered to remain, would depend on motive of the expedition was one in which the an infinite variety of circumstances. interest of the mother-country was mainly con- general, it may be safely presumed that even cerned, as when the object was to relieve it of where the first people was not reduced to bondsuperfluous hands, or of discontented and turbu- age or to absolute subjection, the conquerors lent spirits. But it was seldom that the parent would maintain a superior station in their postate looked forward to any more remote ad-litical institutions. But between these classes vantage from the colony, or that the colony expected or desired any from the parent state. There was, in most cases, nothing to suggest the feeling of dependance on the one side, or a claim of authority on the other. The sons, when they left their homes to shift for themselves on a foreign shore, carried with them only the blessing of their fathers, and felt themselves completely emancipated from their control. Often the colony became more powerful than its parent, and the distance between them was generally so great as to preclude all attempts to enforce submission. But though they were not connected by the bands of mutual inAs in the period of the early migrations which terest, or by a yoke laid by the powerful on the weak, the place of such relations was supplied by the gentler and nobler ties of filial affection followed the return of the Heracleids, the moand religious reverence, and by usages which, narchical form of government was almost evespringing out of these feelings, stood in their rywhere prevalent in Greece itself, it was prob room, and tended to suggest them where they ably very generally established in the colonies. were wanting. Except in the few cases where But the cause just noticed, incident to their pethe emigrants were forced as outcasts from culiar situation, tended in the first instance to their native land, they cherished the remem-restrict the power of the hereditary chiefs, and brance of it as a duty prescribed not merely by nature, but by religion. The colony regarded its prosperity as mainly depending on the favour of the tutelary gods of the state to which it owed its birth. They were invited to share the newly-conquered land, and temples were commonly dedicated to them in the new citadel, resembling as nearly as possible, in form and po-been almost universally abolished elsewhere sition, those with which they were honoured in

The history of Cygradually to reduce it to a mere shadow, which itself finally disappeared. rene affords a remarkable illustration of the manner in which this change may have been effected in many other cases which are not recorded. The kingly government had been preserved in the Isle of Thera long after it had

* The existence of this custom, however, rests only on an been no more than an erroneous inference from his author's the mother-country: their images here renew-assertion of the scholiast of Thucyd., i., 25, which may have words; but it is in some degree confirmed by analogy, and hood at Claros, which has been referred to this usage. perhaps by what Tacitus (Ann., ii., 54) says of the priest

AnPindar, Pyth., v., 78, and Thrige, Cyrene, p. 79. senor may have been looked upon as the type of friendly natives in a foreign land.

VOL. L-C c

among the Greeks. The same form was re- an opportunity for political deliberation when tained at Cyrene for some generations without occasion called for it. With regard to the Eoany diminution of the royal authority. But af- lians, however, it is not certain that they poster the great addition to the numbers of the col- sessed even such a centre of union; and it is ony, made, as we have mentioned, in the reign on the ground of analogy only, and not on direct of the founder's grandson, the second Battus, evidence, that they have been supposed to have the people seem to have become dissatisfied held annual assemblies near a temple of Apol with the existing institutions. This disposi-lo, the seat of an ancient oracle, at Grynium.* tion, perhaps, found no opportunity of manifest-The fact is left rather suspicious by the silence ing itself with effect under his successor, Ar- of Herodotus, who mentions the periodical cesilaus II., who was involved in a domestic meetings of the Dorians and Ionians. Those quarrel, which occasioned a revolt of his Libyan of the Dorians took place near the temple of subjects, from whom he suffered a disastrous Apollo, who derived his epithet from the Triodefeat, and he was soon after murdered by one pian headland, where it stood: games were of his brothers. His son and heir, Battus III., celebrated within the sacred precincts, and the was lame, and this defect afforded an occasion victors were enjoined to dedicate their prizes, or pretext for a great political change, the need bronze tripods, to the god. It was the breach of which must have been generally felt before. of this ordinance which caused the separation The Delphic oracle was consulted on the means of Halicarnassus from the five cities, which with of remedying the disorder of the state, and un- it formed the original Dorian Hexapolis. We der its sanction a citizen of Mantinea, named may hence infer how slight the connexion must Demonax, pointed out, no doubt, by his previous have been. The meetings of the Ionians were reputation, was invited to assume the office of held in a spot at the northern foot of Mount Mymediator-in other words, to frame a new con- cale, called, from its destination-that of restitution. He began by determining the receiving the whole Ionian body-Panionium, and spective rights of the old and the new colonists, and distributed them into three tribes, of which the descendants of the original settlers formed the first, probably with some peculiar privileges. He then proceeded to deprive the king of all his substantial prerogatives, leaving him only the ensigns of royalty, a domain, and certain priestly offices. This part of the work of Demonax, indeed, was destroyed in the following reign by a counter-revolution, effected with the aid of foreign auxiliaries, and the government then becaine, in fact, a tyranny; but this accidental result does not affect the case, as an example of a general tendency, and of the mode of its operation.

consecrated to the national god Poseidon. In them, too, the religious or festive object was almost exclusively predominant. Yet it would appear that in early times there was among the Ionians a tendency of disposition and of circumstances towards a closer union than subsisted among either their northern or their southern neighbours. All the Ionian cities, except Samos, were ruled, as we have seen, by princes of the house of Codrus, and this was made an indispensable condition of admission into the confederacy. But there is also some ground for believing that the eldest prince of this house enjoyed a supremacy over the rest. Strabo relates, on the authority of Pherecydes, that Ephesus was anciently the capital of Ionia, as the seat of Androclus, who was considered as the common leader of all the Ionian settlers; and he mentions that, even in his own day, there were at Ephesus descendants of the ancient kings, who were distinguished by certain ensigns of royalty, and exercised some sacred functions which were originally attached to it. No great stress, indeed, can be laid on this fact; for similar vestiges may have been long preserved in the other Ionian cities, and have disappeared only when the privileged line became

The Greek colonies which covered so large a part of the coast of Asia Minor, though comprising a great number of tribes very distantly related to each other, were distributed, as we have seen, into three principal masses, each bearing a name indicating a supposed unity of descent. The Ionians, moreover, recognised Athens as a common parent-a relation which could not be claimed in so strict a sense either by Thebes with regard to the Eolians, or by Argos or Sparta with regard to the Dorians. In each case, however, the feeling or the assumption of a national affinity was strengthen-extinct. But the active interference of Androed by an unbroken geographical connexion; and clus in the affairs of other Ionian cities may be it might have seemed an almost inevitable con- allowed strongly to confirm this statement of sequence of such proximity of origin and posi- Pherecydes; and when we find him dislodging tion, that even if the three main divisions were the Epidaurians from Samos, and afterward prokept apart from one another, each in itself tecting Priene against the Carians-the entershould have formed a compact political body.prise which cost him his life-he may seem to But causes similar to those which kept the European Greeks asunder, operated here to the same effect; and at the time of the migration, there was no power in the neighbourhood of the new colonies formidable enough to suggest the thought of a permanent combination of their forces. In fact, it does not appear that any political union, properly so called, was ever established even among the cities of the same name; the nearest approach to one consisted in periodical meetings, founded simply with a religious object, for the celebration of festivals in honour of a tutelary god, but which afforded

be acting as chief of the whole body. But undoubtedly the Ionian cities were soon completely insulated; and Miletus in particular, even if Neleus was really the younger brother, would not have long borne the superiority of Ephesus, which it soon greatly surpassed in wealth and power. No provision was made either for defence against foreign enemies, or for the maintenance of internal tranquillity: there was no common treasure, nor tribunal, nor magistrate, nor laws. Yet it may have been very early, though the time is uncertain, that the Lycians * Strabo, xiii., p. 622. Paus., 1, 21, 7.