CIVIL HISTORY OF ATTICA. emies, marched with all their forces against the parts of the Attic coast, plundered many of the Spartans. But before battle was joined, the maritime towns, and did great damage. The Corinthians, ashamed of being made the instru- Athenians were preparing to retaliate without ments of Cleomenes in an unjust quarrel, quit- delay on Ægina, in spite of an oracle, dictated ted the army and returned home, and Demara- apparently by a cautious policy rather than by tus, perhaps on the ground that he had not been any unfriendly spirit, which bade them put off informed of the object of the expedition, refused their vengeance for another generation, when The rest of the Peloponne- their attention was diverted from this quarter his concurrence. sian allies, seeing the two kings at variance, by intelligence of a new danger. The Spartans followed the example of the Corinthians, and had by this time detected the fraud that had Cleomenes was compelled to abandon his enter- been practised on them through the contrivance prise. His resentment against his colleague of Cleisthenes by the Pythian priestess, and produced important consequences; the imme- deeply regretted that they had been induced to diate effect of their disagreement was a law ruin their old friends, the Pisistratids, for the which the Spartans passed, that their two kings sake of a thankless people. Their regret was should never in future take the field together. imbittered by the discovery of some ancient The Athenians, now at liberty to punish the predictions which Cleomenes professed to have aggression of their northern neighbours, march- found in the citadel of Athens when it was ed towards the Euripus to attack Chalcis. In abandoned by the Pisistratids, and which threatBoeotia they were met by the Thebans, whom ened Sparta with manifold injuries from the they defeated with great slaughter, and took Athenians. Seeing, then, Herodotus observes, 700 prisoners. The same day they crossed the that the Athenians were growing powerful, and Straits and won a victory over the Chalcidians, were by no means willing to submit to them, from which they reaped a very important ad- and reflecting that if they were left at liberty vantage. It enabled them to parcel out the es- they would become a match for Lacedæmon, tates of the great Chalcidian landowners among but that, if they were made to stoop to a tyran4000 Attic colonists, who still retained their ny, they would be weak and submissive, for connexion with Athens, and, as often as they these reasons they sent to Sigeum, where HipWhen he arrived, they summoned a conwould, might exercise their franchise there. pias was then dwelling, and invited him to SparThis addition to the Attic territory was the ta. more valuable, because, while it provided so gress of deputies from their Peloponnesian almany families with a maintenance, it afforded lies, and in their presence lamented the wrong means of raising a body of cavalry, the force in they had done to the Pisistratids, and the hurt which Attica was most deficient. The fetters which had thence ensued to themselves, and in which the Theban and Chalcidian prisoners proposed, as the only means of curbing the growgroaned till they were ransomed, were hung up ing insolence of the Athenian people, that all on the walls of a temple in the citadel, as a should unite their forces in an expedition against monument of Athenian valour, and a brazen Attica, for the purpose of restoring Hippias to chariot was dedicated to Athené as a tenth of the station from which they had deposed him. to have perceived that, though it might well the ransom, with an inscription commemorating The greater part of the allies, however, appear this first achievement of the emancipated commonwealth. The event draws a remark from suit the interest of Sparta to keep Attica sub"The Athe-ject to a creature of her own, they should reap Herodotus worthy to be quoted. grew mighty. And it no fruit but shame from the part they were callnians then," he says, is plain, not in one matter only, but in every ed upon to take in this act of injustice. No way, that liberty is a brave thing; seeing that one, however, ventured to declare his dissent, the Athenians, so long as they were lorded over, till the Corinthian deputy Sosicles, in vehement were no whit better men at feats of arms than language, remonstrated with the Spartans on any of their neighbours, but as soon as they their inconsistency in establishing at Athens were rid of their lords they got far ahead. This, a form of government directly contrary to the therefore, shows that, while they were kept spirit of their own institutions, and recited the under, they cared not to conquer, as men toiling calamities which Corinth had endured under couraged the other deputies to declare their for a master; but when they were set free, the tyranny of Periander. His eloquence ennone grudged his labour for his own good." sentiments, and all, with one accord, loudly exclaimed against the Spartan proposal. The Spartans were forced to yield to the unanimous wishes of their allies and to abandon their design. Hippias, before the congress broke up, is said to have prophesied that the time would come when the Corinthians would have the greatest cause to regret that they had saved Athens from the Pisistratids. He soon after returned to Sigeum, and thence proceeded to the court of Darius, where he remained for many years, nourishing hopes which were destined to be signally disappointed. But, before we begin to relate the events by which he was brought once more to Attica, it will be necessary to turn for a while from Greece itself, to take a view of the state and progress of the Greeks in other parts of the world. The Thebans burned to revenge their disgrace, but, disheartened by their late defeat, they betook themselves to the Delphic god for advice. By the usual course of an unintelligible oracle and an ingenious interpretation, they were directed to seek aid from Ægina, which at this time had attained to its highest pitch of prosperity, and was crowded with an industrious population, enriched by commerce, and adorned with the finest works of early art. They bore amortal grudge against the Athenians from the recollection of what they had done and suffered in an old quarrel that had arisen between the two states on the subject of Epidaurus, and they now readily promised their aid to the Thebans; and while the latter renewed their hostilities on the northern frontier, crossed over with a squadron of galleys of war, landed on various for every citizen, & least for all who were not natives of Athens itself, to be entered in the register of some township, which was the foundation of all his political rights and duties, as admission into the phratries was of those which belonged to him in his private capacity. Cleisthenes at the same time increased the strength of the commonalty by making a great many new citizens, and he is said to have enfranchised not only aliens-and these both residents and adventurers from abroad-but slaves:* a step to which it would seem he could only have been urged by the exigences of his position, which may have forced him to purchase such support on such terms; and, in that case, it proves the strong hold which the opposite party kept on a great body of the people, and which it was the object of his other measures to loosen. citizen into exile for ten years. Such an expedient marks the weak and unsettled state of a government which could find it necessary for its safety, but repugnant, as it is, to the abstract principles of justice, and only to be palliated by the peculiar dangers to which a Greek democracy was exposed; and though it was often mischievously abused, it may be questioned whether it was not a salutary precaution, not only as it proved a timely check on the ambition of aspi ring individuals, but as it allayed or gave vent to the public uneasiness, which might otherwise have broken out into violence and bloodshed. These changes, and the influence they acquired for their author, reduced the party of Isagoras to utter weakness, and they saw no prospect of maintaining themselves but by foreign aid. Isagoras had courted the favour of Cleomenes, when he came on his last expedition, as was reported, by overlooking his familiarity with his wife. He now solicited his assistance, and at his suggestion the Spartan king sent a herald to Athens, to revive the old imputation against the Alcmæonids, and to require the expulsion of the accursed race. Cleisthenes, against whom the attack was principally directed, either dreading the cry which had so often proved disastrous to his house, or unwilling to expose his country to invasion on his own account, withdrew from Athens; but Cleomenes, encouraged rather than appeased by this concession, soon followed his herald to take ad the dominion of Isagoras. He brought but a small force with him; yet the people, dismayed by the absence of their leader, suffered him at first to act as if he was absolute master. He began by banishing 700 families designated by Isagoras, and then proceeded to suppress the Council of the Five Hundred, and to lodge the government in the hands of Three Hundred of his friend's partisans. When, however, the councillors resisted this attempt, the people took heart, and, Cleomenes and Isagoras having occupied the citadel, rose in a body and besieged them there. As they were not pre We are too little acquainted with the machinery of the system which Cleisthenes broke up, to form a very distinct notion of the importance of his innovation; but we know enough to convince us that it was not, as Herodotus imagined, capricious, or prompted by the mere love of change. It had the effect of transforming the commonalty into a new body, furnished with new organs, and breathing a new spirit, which was no longer subject to the slightest control from any influence, save that of wealth and personal qualities, in the old nobility. The whole frame of the state was reorganized to correspond with the new division of the coun-vantage of it, and to reduce the Athenians under try. The Senate of the Four Hundred was increased to Five Hundred, that fifty might be drawn from each tribe, and the rotation of the presidency was adapted to this change, the fifty councillors of each tribe filling that office for thirty-five or thirty-six days in succession, and nine councillors being elected, one from each of the other tribes, to preside in the Council and the Assembly of the People, which was now called regularly four times in the month, certain business being assigned to each meeting. The Heliæa was also distributed into ten courts; and the same division henceforth prevailed in most of the public offices, though the numberpared to sustain a siege, they capitulated on of the archons remained unchanged. To Cleis- the third day: Cleomenes and Isagoras were thenes also is ascribed the formal institution of permitted to depart with the Lacedæmonian the ostracism, a summary process, by which troops, but they were compelled to abandon the people was enabled to rid itself of any citi-their adherents to the mercy of their enemies. zen who had made himself formidable or suspi- All were put to death, and Cleisthenes and the cious, without any proof, or even imputation of 700 banished families returned triumphantly to guilt, and though his influence was the legiti- Athens. mate fruit of superior ability or merit. Solon had enacted that no law relating to the rights of individual citizens (in the nature of the Roman privilegium) should be passed by less than a majority of 6000 voices. But the power tacitly conferred by this restriction was now expressly defined or enlarged, so as to permit not merely an absolute, but a relative majority of the same number, by secret votes, to send any obnoxious It was soon heard that Cleomenes was making active preparations to avenge his humiliating defeat and to restore Isagoras. The Athenians, in their first alarm, sent envoys to Sardis to conclude an alliance with Persia, or, rather, to seek its protection. As this embassy was not attended with any immediate effect, it will be more fitly noticed when we come to the history of the events which led to the Persian war. Cleomenes having collected all the forces he could raise in Peloponnesus, and being joined by his colleague Demaratus, invaded Attica on the side of Eleusis, while the Thebans, who * Aristot., Pol., iii., 1, 10. modλoùs èpuλÉTEVOE (évovs Kai doudous peroikovs. As this reading gives no sense, most of the commentators insert another kai after doulous. But it seems clear that the slaves could not have been mentioned between the two classes of free foreigners. Niebuhr trans-had concerted their operations with him, took poses καὶ δούλους after μετοίκους, and interprets the ac count in a sense conformable to his peculiar hypothesis (ii., p. 305, note 2). Goettling would either strike out doulous, or change it to πολλούς. Elian., V. H., xiii., 23, and Perizonius, the towns of Enoe and Hysiæ, on the northern frontier, and the Chalcidians, crossing over from Euboea, ravaged the eastern coast. The Athenians, for the present neglecting these new en CIVIL HISTORY OF ATTICA. emies, marched with all their forces against the Spartans. But before battle was joined, the Corinthians, ashamed of being made the instruments of Cleomenes in an unjust quarrel, quitted the army and returned home, and Demaratus, perhaps on the ground that he had not been informed of the object of the expedition, refused The rest of the Peloponnehis concurrence. sian allies, seeing the two kings at variance, followed the example of the Corinthians, and Cleomenes was compelled to abandon his enterprise. His resentment against his colleague produced important consequences; the immediate effect of their disagreement was a law which the Spartans passed, that their two kings should never in future take the field together. The Athenians, now at liberty to punish the aggression of their northern neighbours, marched towards the Euripus to attack Chalcis. In Boeotia they were met by the Thebans, whom they defeated with great slaughter, and took 700 prisoners. The same day they crossed the Straits and won a victory over the Chalcidians, from which they reaped a very important advantage. It enabled them to parcel out the estates of the great Chalcidian landowners among 4000 Attic colonists, who still retained their connexion with Athens, and, as often as they would, might exercise their franchise there. This addition to the Attic territory was the more valuable, because, while it provided so many families with a maintenance, it afforded means of raising a body of cavalry, the force in which Attica was most deficient. The fetters in which the Theban and Chalcidian prisoners groaned till they were ransomed, were hung up on the walls of a temple in the citadel, as a monument of Athenian valour, and a brazen chariot was dedicated to Athené as a tenth of the ransom, with an inscription commemorating this first achievement of the emancipated commonwealth. The event draws a remark from Herodotus worthy to be quoted. nians then," he says, "grew mighty. And it is plain, not in one matter only, but in every way, that liberty is a brave thing; seeing that the Athenians, so long as they were lorded over, were no whit better men at feats of arms than any of their neighbours, but as soon as they were rid of their lords they got far ahead. This, therefore, shows that, while they were kept under, they cared not to conquer, as men toiling for a master; but when they were set free, none grudged his labour for his own good." parts of the Attic coast, plundered many of the maritime towns, and did great damage. The Athenians were preparing to retaliate without delay on Ægina, in spite of an oracle, dictated apparently by a cautious policy rather than by any unfriendly spirit, which bade them put off their vengeance for another generation, when their attention was diverted from this quarter by intelligence of a new danger. The Spartans had by this time detected the fraud that had been practised on them through the contrivance of Cleisthenes by the Pythian priestess, and deeply regretted that they had been induced to ruin their old friends, the Pisistratids, for the sake of a thankless people. Their regret was imbittered by the discovery of some ancient predictions which Cleomenes professed to have found in the citadel of Athens when it was abandoned by the Pisistratids, and which threatened Sparta with manifold injuries from the Athenians. Seeing, then, Herodotus observes, that the Athenians were growing powerful, and were by no means willing to submit to them, and reflecting that if they were left at liberty they would become a match for Lacedæmon, but that, if they were made to stoop to a tyranny, they would be weak and submissive, for these reasons they sent to Sigeum, where HipWhen he arrived, they summoned a conpias was then dwelling, and invited him to Spargress of deputies from their Peloponnesian alta. lies, and in their presence lamented the wrong they had done to the Pisistratids, and the hurt which had thence ensued to themselves, and proposed, as the only means of curbing the growing insolence of the Athenian people, that all should unite their forces in an expedition against Attica, for the purpose of restoring Hippias to the station from which they had deposed him. to have perceived that, though it might well The greater part of the allies, however, appear suit the interest of Sparta to keep Attica sub"The Athe-ject to a creature of her own, they should reap no fruit but shame from the part they were called upon to take in this act of injustice. No one, however, ventured to declare his dissent, till the Corinthian deputy Sosicles, in vehement language, remonstrated with the Spartans on their inconsistency in establishing at Athens a form of government directly contrary to the spirit of their own institutions, and recited the calamities which Corinth had endured under couraged the other deputies to declare their the tyranny of Periander. His eloquence ensentiments, and all, with one accord, loudly exclaimed against the Spartan proposal. The Spartans were forced to yield to the unanimous wishes of their allies and to abandon their design. Hippias, before the congress broke up, is said to have prophesied that the time would come when the Corinthians would have the greatest cause to regret that they had saved Athens from the Pisistratids. He soon after returned to Sigeum, and thence proceeded to the court of Darius, where he remained for many years, nourishing hopes which were destined to be signally disappointed. But, before we begin to relate the events by which he was brought once more to Attica, it will be necessary to turn for a while from Greece itself, to take a view of the state and progress of the Greeks in other parts of the world. The Thebans burned to revenge their disgrace, CHAPTER XII. THE COLONIES OF THE GREEKS, AND THE PROGRESS OF ART AND LITERATURE FROM THE HOMERIC AGE TO THE PERSIAN WAR. from Peloponnesus towards the East had begun On THE history of the Greek colonies is connected but partially, and in varying degrees, with that of the mother-country. A complete description and enumeration of them would be foreign to our present purpose. But a general survey of them is necessary to give an adequate conception of the magnitude of the Grecian world, when, dilated beyond its original bounds, it comprised extensive tracts of coast on the seas enclosed by the three ancient continents; and a sketch of the most prominent features of their ordinary condition and relations to their parent states is requisite to place them in the proper light, and will contribute to illustrate the Greek character, and its habits of thinking and feeling. Some of them, however, will demand more particular notice, partly on account of the effects produced by them on the course of events in Greece, and partly on account of the impulse which they gave to the intellectual The inference which we should be inclined progress of their nation and of the human race. to draw from these accounts is, that the Eolian We pass over the doubtful legends of the migratior. may not improbably be regarded as, colonies planted by several of the heroes on or in its origin, a continuation of the earlier enterafter their return from the siege of Troy, as by prises of the Achæan chiefs against the same Agamemnon and Calchas on the coast of Asia, part of Asia, or, at all events, as an effect, not by the sons of Theseus in Thrace, by Ialmenus of necessity, but of the attractive influence of in the Euxine, by Diomed, Philoctetes, Epeus, the rich and beautiful land from which the heMenestheus, and others in Italy, and by the roes of a former generation had returned laden never-resting wanderer Ulysses in the remoter with spoil and glory. But it would seem that, regions of the West. We have already intima- for more than a century after the arrival of the ted that, though it is impossible to distinguish first colonists, new adventurers continued to between truth and falsehood in these stories, flock in, driven from home, as well as attracted they appear not to have been wholly groundless. by the distant region. The ancient Eolian citBut the earliest Greek colonies which can safe-ies on the mainland, those of Æolis, as it was ly be pronounced historical were those which sometimes called, amounted to eleven; but issued out of the event, or, rather, the series of about thirty others were founded or occupied events, commonly called the Eolian migration. by Cuma and Lesbos in the territory of Priam, This has generally been considered as the first which the Lesbians seem to have claimed as of the great movements produced by the irrup- legitimate heirs to the conquests of Agamemtion of the Eolians into Boeotia, and of the Do- non. rians into Peloponnesus. Achæans, driven from Southward, from the Hermus to the Mæantheir homes, and seeking new seats in the East, der, a tract which, in the opinion of Herodotus, are believed to have been joined in Boeotia, if not so exuberantly fruitful as the vale of the through which they were passing to their place Caïcus and the adjacent plains of Æolis, enjoyof embarcation, by a part both of the ancient ed a still happier climate, fell to the lot of the inhabitants of Boeotia and of their Æolian con- adventurers who embarked in the Ionian miquerors. The latter seem to have been pre-gration. They were mostly Ionians, who, when dominant, not in numbers, probably, but in in-dislodged by the Achæans from their seats on fluence, for from them the migration is said to the Corinthian Gulf, took refuge in Attica, and have been called the Boeotian as well as the Eolian. The emigrants were headed by chiefs who claimed descent from Agamemnon,* and the main body embarked at the port of Aulis, from which he had led the Greek armament against Troy. They took the same direction, and settled first on the Isle of Lesbos, where they founded six cities. Other detachments occupied the opposite coast of Asia, from the foot of Ida to the mouth of the Hermus. That this was the real origin of the greater part of these Æolian settlements, there is no reason to doubt; but it does not seem necessary, on this account, to reject the tradition that a migration probably assisted in repelling that invasion of the Dorians in which Codrus devoted himself for his country. Here they seem to have been joined by other fugitives and soldiers of fortune from various parts of Greece, in particular by a considerable band of Phocians. Attica could not afford a permanent abode for these strangers, and a dispute which arose after the death of Codrus about the succession to the throne, gave them leaders from the royal family, and, perhaps, hastened their departure. Medon, the heir-apparent, was lame; and his brother Neleus contended that this defect disqualified him for reigning. But when the Delphic oracle decided in favour of Medon, Neleus, with several of his brothers and of their Pylian clansmen, put himself at the head of the emigrants. In their passage across the Egæan many formed THE COLONIES. settlements in the Cyclades and other islands, | ants, among whom were women said to have and in process of time Delos became a common sprung from the Amazons, its reputed founders. The Asiatic Colophon was in the possession of Cretans, who sanctuary of the Ionian race. coast, henceforth called Ionia, and the neigh-had taken the place of the earlier Carian popubouring islands of Chios and Samos, were at lation. With them the Ionians, under Damathis time inhabited by tribes of various origin, sichthon and Promethus, sons of Codrus, agreed some of which, as the Carians, the Leleges, to dwell on terms of equality. Another son of and the descendants of the Cretan colonists, Codrus, Andræmon or Andropompus, drove the Teos had been long in possession of the country, Carians out of Lebedus. Strabo seems to inwhile others had been recently driven from timate that he was obliged to take up a position Greece by causes similar to those which pro- at a neighbouring place called Artis, before he duced the Ionian migration. The new invaders could make himself master of the town. appear readily to have united with all but the had been previously occupied by Minyans from They were interCarians and the Leleges, who were commonly Orchomenus, led by a chief called Athamas, expelled or exterminated. Twelve independent who is said to have been a descendant of the states were gradually formed, which, notwith- ancient hero of that name. standing the widely-different elements of which mingled with the Carians; and the Ionians, on they were composed, a diversity no doubt con- their arrival, were peaceably admitted to a share nected with that of the dialects which they in the colony, which not long after received a spoke in the time of Herodotus, all assumed fresh band of adventurers from Attica, comthe Ionian name, and were regarded as parts manded by chiefs of the line of Codrus, and anof one nation. Herodotus thinks that they were other from Boeotia. It seems to have been designedly confined to this number, which was later before Erythræ became a member of the that of the Peloponnesian towns abandoned to Ionian body; for Cnopus, or Cleopus, son of the Achæans, and which appears to have pre- Codrus, is said to have settled there with a vailed from the earliest times in the Ionian in- band of followers collected from all the Ionian stitutions; yet we shall see reasons for doubt- cities. He found, it is said, a population comphylians, with whom he formed an amicable ing whether they were not accidentally reduced posed of Cretans, Carians, Lycians, and Pamto it. union. cating a national affinity, which is confirmed by the early history of Peloponnesus. Phocæa, lying at the northern extremity of Ionia, was built on ground obtained by compact from the Cumæans by a colony of Phocians. They had been furnished with the means of transport by two Athenians, Philogenes and Damon, who' shared their fortunes. Yet the Ionians would not acknowledge them as brethren until they had accepted princes of the line of Codrus from Erythræ and Teos. All these towns were in existence, some perThese twelve colonies were Samos, Chios (the chief town in each bore the name of the Clazomena was founded by island), Miletus, Myus, Priene, Ephesus, Colo-haps flourishing, before the Ionian migration; phon, Lebedus, Teos, Erythra, Clazomena, and but Clazomena and Phocæa owed their origin Phocæa. The accounts left to us of their found- to that event. ation are scanty, and not always easily recon- Ionian wanderers, mingled with a larger body ciled. We shall notice some of them, to show of emigrants, who had quitted Cleonæ and Phlithe mixed character of the population. Herod-us after the Dorian invasion: a coalition indiotus seems to consider Miletus as the place where the original settlers might boast of the purest Ionian blood. This was the seat chosen by Neleus himself. His followers massacred all the males whom they found there-Carians, according to Herodotus-and forced the women to become their wives.* Herodotus does not mention the Cretans, who, according to Ephorus, inhabited the old town of Miletus, while Neleus fixed on a site nearer to the sea, commanding four harbours, all since filled up by the depositions of the Mæander, one of which was capable of containing a fleet. Myus and Priene were also wrested from the Carians, the former by Cydrelus, a bastard son of Codrus: in Priene, the Ionians, headed by Epytus, son of Neleus, are said to have been associated with Thebans, led by Philotas, who are, perhaps, no other than the Cadmeans mentioned by Herodotus among the foreign tribes who shared the Ionian conquest. The same dialect was spoken in these three towns. Androclus, son of Codrus, led his followers to Ephesus, which was inhabited chiefly by Leleges and Lydians, who were expelled by the Ionians. But the temple of the goddess (probably of Asiatic origin) in whom the Greeks recognised their Artemis, afforded an asylum to a considerable number of suppli Niebuhr (i., p. 133) considers this as an example of the ordinary practice of the early Greek colonists. Herodotus (1, 146) seems to speak of it as an unusual case, and adds that the women transmitted the resentment with which they viewed their rude lovers to their daughters, whom they bound by oaths never to share their meals with their husbands, nor to salute them by their names; perhaps a legendary explanation of some peculiar features in the relations between the sexes at Miletus. It is difficult to determine what share the Ionians from Attica had in the population of Chios. The poet Ion, a native of the island, and contemporary of Herodotus, related, that at the time of the migration it was inhabited by Carians, Abantes from Euboea, and Cretans, all governed by a prince named Hector, who, though of Eubœan origin, made war on the Carians and Abantes, and expelled them from the island; after which he was admitted into the Ionian confederation. Strabo, on the other hand, says that Egertius led a mixed multitude to Chios, It seems most probable that the islbut does not mention the quarter from which it came. and received colonists from Erythræ, which lay on the opposite coast, as we find it taking a * Pausanias tells us (vii., 3, 7) that the Carians had setpart in the revolutions of Erythræ,† and as they tled as friends, the Lycians as kinsmen, of the Cretans, who were believed to have been followers of Erythrus, son of Rhadamanthys; and that the Pamphylians were Greeks who had wandered with Calchas after the fall of Troy. Their name probably marked a tribe composed of many races. † Athenæus, vi., p. 259, from Hippias, an Erythræan author, who related that Cnopus was murdered at sea by |