CIVIL HISTORY OF ATTICA.

emies, marched with all their forces against the Spartans. But before battle was joined, the Corinthians, ashamed of being made the instruments of Cleomenes in an unjust quarrel, quitted the army and returned home, and Demaratus, perhaps on the ground that he had not been informed of the object of the expedition, refused The rest of the Peloponnehis concurrence. sian allies, seeing the two kings at variance, followed the example of the Corinthians, and Cleomenes was compelled to abandon his enterprise. His resentment against his colleague produced important consequences; the immediate effect of their disagreement was a law which the Spartans passed, that their two kings should never in future take the field together. The Athenians, now at liberty to punish the aggression of their northern neighbours, marched towards the Euripus to attack Chalcis. In Boeotia they were met by the Thebans, whom they defeated with great slaughter, and took 700 prisoners. The same day they crossed the Straits and won a victory over the Chalcidians, from which they reaped a very important advantage. It enabled them to parcel out the estates of the great Chalcidian landowners among 4000 Attic colonists, who still retained their connexion with Athens, and, as often as they would, might exercise their franchise there. This addition to the Attic territory was the more valuable, because, while it provided so many families with a maintenance, it afforded means of raising a body of cavalry, the force in which Attica was most deficient. The fetters in which the Theban and Chalcidian prisoners groaned till they were ransomed, were hung up on the walls of a temple in the citadel, as a monument of Athenian valour, and a brazen chariot was dedicated to Athené as a tenth of the ransom, with an inscription commemorating this first achievement of the emancipated commonwealth. The event draws a remark from The AtheHerodotus worthy to be quoted. nians then," he says, "grew mighty. And it is plain, not in one matter only, but in every way, that liberty is a brave thing; seeing that the Athenians, so long as they were lorded over, were no whit better men at feats of arms than any of their neighbours, but as soon as they were rid of their lords they got far ahead. This, therefore, shows that, while they were kept under, they cared not to conquer, as men toiling for a master; but when they were set free, none grudged his labour for his own good."

The Thebans burned to revenge their disgrace, but, disheartened by their late defeat, they betook themselves to the Delphic god for advice. By the usual course of an unintelligible oracle and an ingenious interpretation, they were directed to seek aid from Egina, which at this time had attained to its highest pitch of prosperity, and was crowded with an industrious population, enriched by commerce, and adorned with the finest works of early art. They bore a mortal grudge against the Athenians from the recollection of what they had done and suffered in an old quarrel that had arisen between the two states on the subject of Epidaurus, and they now readily promised their aid to the Thebans; and while the latter renewed their hostilities on the northern frontier, crossed over with squadron of galleys of war, landed on various

parts of the Attic coast, plundered many of the
maritime towns, and did great damage. The
Athenians were preparing to retaliate without
delay on Ægina, in spite of an oracle, dictated
apparently by a cautious policy rather than by
any unfriendly spirit, which bade them put off
their vengeance for another generation, when
their attention was diverted from this quarter
by intelligence of a new danger. The Spartans
had by this time detected the fraud that had
been practised on them through the contrivance
of Cleisthenes by the Pythian priestess, and
deeply regretted that they had been induced to
ruin their old friends, the Pisistratids, for the
sake of a thankless people. Their regret was
imbittered by the discovery of some ancient
predictions which Cleomenes professed to have
found in the citadel of Athens when it was
abandoned by the Pisistratids, and which threat-
ened Sparta with manifold injuries from the
Athenians. Seeing, then, Herodotus observes,
that the Athenians were growing powerful, and
were by no means willing to submit to them,
and reflecting that if they were left at liberty
they would become a match for Lacedæmon,
but that, if they were made to stoop to a tyran-
ny, they would be weak and submissive, for
these reasons they sent to Sigeum, where Hip-
When he arrived, they summoned a con-
pias was then dwelling, and invited him to Spar-
ta.
gress of deputies from their Peloponnesian al-
lies, and in their presence lamented the wrong
they had done to the Pisistratids, and the hurt
which had thence ensued to themselves, and
proposed, as the only means of curbing the grow-
ing insolence of the Athenian people, that all
should unite their forces in an expedition against
Attica, for the purpose of restoring Hippias to
the station from which they had deposed him.
to have perceived that, though it might well
The greater part of the allies, however, appear
suit the interest of Sparta to keep Attica sub-
ject to a creature of her own, they should reap
no fruit but shame from the part they were call-
ed upon to take in this act of injustice. No
one, however, ventured to declare his dissent,
till the Corinthian deputy Sosicles, in vehement
language, remonstrated with the Spartans on
their inconsistency in establishing at Athens
a form of government directly contrary to the
spirit of their own institutions, and recited the
calamities which Corinth had endured under
couraged the other deputies to declare their
the tyranny of Periander. His eloquence en-
sentiments, and all, with one accord, loudly
exclaimed against the Spartan proposal. The
Spartans were forced to yield to the unanimous
wishes of their allies and to abandon their de
sign. Hippias, before the congress broke up,
is said to have prophesied that the time would
come when the Corinthians would have the
greatest cause to regret that they had saved
Athens from the Pisistratids. He soon after
returned to Sigeum, and thence proceeded to
the court of Darius, where he remained for many
years, nourishing hopes which were destined
to be signally disappointed. But, before we be-
gin to relate the events by which he was brought
once more to Attica, it will be necessary to turn
for a while from Greece itself, to take a view
of the state and progress of the Greeks in oth-
er parts of the world.

CHAPTER XII.

THE COLONIES OF THE GREEKS, AND THE PROGRESS

from Peloponnesus towards the East had begun I before the Dorian conquest. Orestes himself was sometimes said to have led an Achæan

OF ART AND LITERATURE FROM THE HOMERIC Colony to Lesbos or to Tenedos; according to

AGE TO THE PERSIAN WAR.

others, he only began the expedition, and died THE history of the Greek colonies is connect- in Arcadia; but it was prosecuted by his son ed but partially, and in varying degrees, with Penthilus, who reached Thrace. Archelaus, that of the mother-country. A complete de- son of Penthilus, crossed the Hellespont, and scription and enumeration of them would be Gras, the son of Archelaus, first conquered Lesforeign to our present purpose. But a general bos. Another band, conducted by Cleves and survey of them is necessary to give an adequate Malaus, likewise descendants of Agamemnon, conception of the magnitude of the Grecian is said to have set out about the same time world, when, dilated beyond its original bounds, with that of Penthilus, but to have been long it comprised extensive tracts of coast on the detained in Locris, near Mount Phricium. On seas enclosed by the three ancient continents; its arrival in Asia, it found Pelasgians still in and a sketch of the most prominent features of possession of the coast, but reduced to great their ordinary condition and relations to their weakness by the Trojan war. The invaders at parent states is requisite to place them in the length took their chief town, Larissa, by means proper light, and will contribute to illustrate the of a fort built in its neighbourhood, which, as a Greek character, and its habits of thinking and city, preserved the name of Neon Teichos feeling. Some of them, however, will demand (Newcastle). They then founded Cuma, which, more particular notice, partly on account of the from their sojourn near the Locrian Mountain, effects produced by them on the course of obtained the epithet Phriconis, and became the events in Greece, and partly on account of the principal of the Eolian cities on the continent. impulse which they gave to the intellectual ¦ The inference which we should be inclined progress of their nation and of the human race. | to draw from these accounts is, that the Æolian We pass over the doubtful legends of the migration. may not improbably be regarded as, colonies planted by several of the heroes on or in its origin, a continuation of the earlier enterafter their return from the siege of Troy, as by prises of the Achæan chiefs against the same Agamemnon and Calchas on the coast of Asia, part of Asia, or, at all events, as an effect, not by the sons of Theseus in Thrace, by Ialmenus of necessity, but of the attractive influence of in the Euxine, by Diomed, Philoctetes, Epeus, the rich and beautiful land from which the heMenestheus, and others in Italy, and by the roes of a former generation had returned laden never-resting wanderer Ulysses in the remoter with spoil and glory. But it would seem that, regions of the West. We have already intima- for more than a century after the arrival of the ted that, though it is impossible to distinguish first colonists, new adventurers continued to between truth and falsehood in these stories, flock in, driven from home, as well as attracted they appear not to have been wholly groundless. by the distant region. The ancient Eolian citBut the earliest Greek colonies which can safe-ies on the mainland, those of Æolis, as it was ly be pronounced historical were those which sometimes called, amounted to eleven; but issued out of the event, or, rather, the series of about thirty others were founded or occupied events, commonly called the Eolian migration. by Cuma and Lesbos in the territory of Priam, This has generally been considered as the first which the Lesbians seem to have claimed as of the great movements produced by the irrup-legitimate heirs to the conquests of Agamemtion of the Eolians into Boeotia, and of the Dorians into Peloponnesus. Achæans, driven from Southward, from the Hermus to the Mæantheir homes, and seeking new seats in the East, der, a tract which, in the opinion of Herodotus, are believed to have been joined in Boeotia, if not so exuberantly fruitful as the vale of the through which they were passing to their place Caicus and the adjacent plains of Æolis, enjoyof embarcation, by a part both of the ancient ed a still happier climate, fell to the lot of the inhabitants of Boeotia and of their Eolian con- adventurers who embarked in the Ionian miquerors. The latter seem to have been pre-gration. They were mostly Ionians, who, when dominant, not in numbers, probably, but in in-dislodged by the Achæans from their seats on fluence, for from them the migration is said to the Corinthian Gulf, took refuge in Attica, and have been called the Boeotian as well as the probably assisted in repelling that invasion of Eolian. The emigrants were headed by chiefs who claimed descent from Agamemnon,* and the main body embarked at the port of Aulis, from which he had led the Greek armament against Troy. They took the same direction, and settled first on the Isle of Lesbos, where they founded six cities. Other detachments occupied the opposite coast of Asia, from the foot of Ida to the mouth of the Hermus. That this was the real origin of the greater part of these Eolian settlements, there is no reason to doubt; but it does not seem necessary, on this account, to reject the tradition that a migration

non.

the Dorians in which Codrus devoted himself for his country. Here they seem to have been joined by other fugitives and soldiers of fortune from various parts of Greece, in particular by a considerable band of Phocians. Attica could not afford a permanent abode for these strangers, and a dispute which arose after the death of Codrus about the succession to the throne, gave them leaders from the royal family, and, perhaps, hastened their departure. Medon, the heir-apparent, was lame; and his brother Neleus contended that this defect disqualified him for reigning. But when the Delphic oracle decided in favour of Medon, Neleus, with several of his brothers and of their Pylian clansmeu, put himself at the head of the emigrants. In their passage across the Egæan many formed

THE COLONIES.

settlements in the Cyclades and other islands, | ants, among whom were women said to have and in process of time Delos became a common sprung from the Amazons, its reputed founders. The Asiatic Colophon was in the possession of Cretans, who sanctuary of the Ionian race. coast, henceforth called Ionia, and the neigh- had taken the place of the earlier Carian popubouring islands of Chios and Samos, were at lation. With them the Ionians, under Damathis time inhabited by tribes of various origin, sichthon and Promethus, sons of Codrus, agreed some of which, as the Carians, the Leleges, to dwell on terms of equality. Another son of and the descendants of the Cretan colonists, Codrus, Andræmon or Andropompus, drove the had been long in possession of the country, Carians out of Lebedus. Strabo seems to inwhile others had been recently driven from timate that he was obliged to take up a position Greece by causes similar to those which pro-at a neighbouring place called Artis, before he duced the Ionian migration. The new invaders appear readily to have united with all but the Carians and the Leleges, who were commonly expelled or exterminated. Twelve independent states were gradually formed, which, notwithstanding the widely-different elements of which they were composed, a diversity no doubt connected with that of the dialects which they spoke in the time of Herodotus, all assumed the Ionian name, and were regarded as parts of one nation. Herodotus thinks that they were designedly confined to this number, which was that of the Peloponnesian towns abandoned to the Achæans, and which appears to have prevailed from the earliest times in the Ionian institutions; yet we shall see reasons for doubting whether they were not accidentally reduced to it.

could make himself master of the town. Teos
had been previously occupied by Minyans from
Orchomenus, led by a chief called Athamas,
who is said to have been a descendant of the
ancient hero of that name. They were inter-
mingled with the Carians; and the Ionians, on
their arrival, were peaceably admitted to a share
in the colony, which not long after received a
fresh band of adventurers from Attica, com-
manded by chiefs of the line of Codrus, and an-
other from Boeotia. It seems to have been
later before Erythræ became a member of the
Ionian body; for Cnopus, or Cleopus, son of
Codrus, is said to have settled there with a
band of followers collected from all the Ionian
cities. He found, it is said, a population com-
phylians, with whom he formed an amicable
posed of Cretans, Carians, Lycians, and Pam-
union.

All these towns were in existence, some perThese twelve colonies were Samos, Chios (the chief town in each bore the name of the Clazomena was founded by island), Miletus, Myus, Priene, Ephesus, Colo-haps flourishing, before the Ionian migration; phon, Lebedus, Teos, Erythra, Clazomena, and but Clazomenæ and Phocæa owed their origin Phocæa. The accounts left to us of their found- to that event.

ation are scanty, and not always easily recon-Ionian wanderers, mingled with a larger body Phocæa, ciled. We shall notice some of them, to show of emigrants, who had quitted Cleona and Phlithe mixed character of the population. Herod-us after the Dorian invasion: a coalition indiotus seems to consider Miletus as the place cating a national affinity, which is confirmed by where the original settlers might boast of the the early history of Peloponnesus. purest Ionian blood. This was the seat chosen lying at the northern extremity of Ionia, was by Neleus himself. His followers massacred built on ground obtained by compact from the all the males whom they found there-Carians, Cumæans by a colony of Phocians. They had according to Herodotus-and forced the women been furnished with the means of transport by to become their wives.* Herodotus does not two Athenians, Philogenes and Damon, who mention the Cretans, who, according to Epho- shared their fortunes. Yet the Ionians would rus, inhabited the old town of Miletus, while not acknowledge them as brethren until they Neleus fixed on a site nearer to the sea, com- had accepted princes of the line of Codrus from manding four harbours, all since filled up by the Erythra and Teos. depositions of the Mæander, one of which was capable of containing a fleet. Myus and Priene were also wrested from the Carians, the former by Cydrelus, a bastard son of Codrus: in Priene, the Ionians, headed by Æpytus, son of Neleus, are said to have been associated with Thebans, led by Philotas, who are, perhaps, no other than the Cadmeans mentioned by Herodotus among the foreign tribes who shared the Ionian conquest. The same dialect was spoken in these three towns. Androclus, son of Codrus, led his followers to Ephesus, which was inhabited chiefly by Leleges and Lydians, who were expelled by the Ionians. But the temple of the goddess (probably of Asiatic origin) in whom the Greeks recognised their Artemis, afforded an asylum to a considerable number of suppli

Niebuhr (1., p. 133) considers this as an example of the ordinary practice of the early Greek colonists. Herodotus (1, 146) seems to speak of it as an unusual case, and adds that the women transmitted the resentment with which they viewed their rade lovers to their daughters, whom they bound by oaths never to share their meals with their husbands, nor to salute them by their names; perhaps a legendary explanation of some peculiar features in the relations between the sexes at Miletus.

It is difficult to determine what share the Ionians from Attica had in the population of Chios. The poet Ion, a native of the island, and contemporary of Herodotus, related, that at the time of the migration it was inhabited by Carians, Abantes from Euboea, and Cretans, all governed by a prince named Hector, who, though of Eubœan origin, made war on the Carians and Abantes, and expelled them from the island; after which he was admitted into the Ionian confederation. Strabo, on the other hand, says that Egertius led a mixed multitude to Chios, but does not mention the quarter from which it came. It seems most probable that the island received colonists from Erythræ, which lay on the opposite coast, as we find it taking a * Pausanias tells us (vii., 3, 7) that the Carians had setpart in the revolutions of Erythræ,† and as they tled as friends, the Lycians as kinsmen, of the Cretans, who were believed to have been followers of Erythrus, son of Rhadamanthys; and that the Pamphylians were Greeks who had wandered with Calchas after the fall of Troy. Their name probably marked a tribe composed of many races.

† Athenæus, vi., p. 259, from Hippias, an Erythræan author, who related that Cnopus was murdered at sea by

on the same coast, by others from Laconia: a third band from Epidaurus took possession of the island of Cos, which rivalled its parent in the worship of Esculapius. These six colonies formed an association, from which several others of the same race, and in their neighbourhood, were excluded, and which, after Halicarnassus had been compelled to withdraw from it, was distinguished by the name of the Dorian pentapolis. Rhodes was probably the parent of most of the Greek colonies on the south coast of Asia Minor, several of which were ascribed to Argos, from which she herself sprang. She may also have contributed to form the Greek population of Lycia, a race renowned for its heroic valour, and for the wisdom of its political institutions; though there is no reason to queswith Greece, which appears both in the Homeric story of Bellerophon, and in the legend that the country owed its name to Lycus, son of the Attic king Pandion. We even find traces of Greek adventurers far inland, in Pisidia, where the Leleges formed part of the ancient population, and Selge, the most considerable of the Pisidian towns, and Sagalassus, boasted a Laconian origin.

were distinguished from all the other Ionian | founded by Dorians from Trozen, and Cnidus, cities by a peculiar dialect. We do not find any more distinct account of the mode in which Samos attained to the same rank, though in other respects its early history seems somewhat clearer. It had received an Ionian colony originally sprung from Epidaurus, which shared it with its ancient inhabitants, the Leleges. The Ephesians, under Androclus, made war on the new settlers, and succeeded in driving them out of the island. A part crossed the sea to Samothrace (which, according to some authors, derived its name from them, having been before called Dardania), and there united with the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians; but another body seized a place called Anæa, on the opposite shore of Asia, and there waited for an opportunity of returning to Samos. They found means of doing so ten years after, and ejected the Ephe-tion its Cretan origin, and its early connexion sians. It must have been after this event that they took their place in the Ionian body, to which, indeed, their origin gave them a claim, though they were not governed by Attic princes, but by the descendants of the old Epidaurian kings. It was, perhaps, a necessary concession to the power and importance of the island. We are the less entitled to suppose that any other Ionians were blended with them, as the dialect of Samos was peculiar to itself.

To the same period-the century following the Dorian conquest-may probably be referred the Greek colonies in Cyprus, though most of them claimed a much higher antiquity, and ascribed their foundation to the heroes who had fought at Troy: as Paphus to the Arcadian Agapenor; Amathus and others to followers of Agamemnon; Soli to the sons of Theseus; Salamis to Teucer, whose son Ajax was believed to have founded the temple of Jupiter at Olbe, in the mountains of Cilicia, where the priests, who were also princes of the surrounding district, long assumed the names of Ajax or Teucer.

To these twelve cities another was subsequently added, which has had the extraordinary fortune to retain its name and its prosperity to the present day. This was Smyrna: according to Herodotus, originally an Eolian colony, treacherously seized by a body of exiles from Colophon; but another account, resting apparently on better authority, represents it as first founded by Ionians from Ephesus, where a part of the ancient town once bore the name of Smyrna.* It was wrested from these settlers by the Eolians, and the Colophonian refugees, though they acquired it by violence, might be We must here drop the history of the Asiatic considered as asserting a rightful claim. It is, colonies, to which we shall shortly return to perhaps, only a distorted form of the same ac- observe their condition and progress. A long count, which describes Smyrna as having suc-interval seems to have elapsed before the state ceeded to the place of a town called Melite, the thirteenth of the list, which was destroyed by the common consent of the other twelve.+ But the whole story raises a doubt as to the reason assigned by Herodotus for the number of the Ionian states.

of the mother-country gave occasion to new migrations, and then they took, for the most part, an opposite direction. It was in the course of the century following the beginning of the Olympiads that the Greeks established themselves on the coast of Sicily, and spread so far The southwest corner of the Asiatic peninsu- over the south of Italy that it acquired the name la, and the neighbouring islands, were occupied of Great, or the Greater Greece. These colonearly at the same period by colonists of a dif-nies, like those of Asia, were of various origin, ferent race. Several of the Dorian conquerors some Æolian or Achæan, some Dorian, some themselves were drawn into the tide of migra- Ionian. The Jonians led the way; and the city tion, and led bands, composed partly of their of Chalcis in Euboea, perhaps originally inhabown countrymen, and partly of the conqueredited by an Ionian race, but which is said to have Achæans, to the coast of Asia. The most cel- received Athenian settlers both before and after ebrated of these expeditions is that which we have already had occasion to mention, of the Argive Althæmenes, who, leaving one division | of his followers in Crete, proceeded with the rest to Rhodes, where, according to a legend which probably arose out of this colony, the Heracleid Tlepolemus had founded the cities of Lindus, Ialysus, and Camirus before the Trojan

the Trojan war, sent out, if not the first Greek adventurers who explored the Italian and Sicilian coast, yet the first who were known to have gained a permanent footing there. Indeed, according to a generally-received tradition, Cuma, in the part of Italy afterward called Campania, was founded by a Chalcidian colony, in the middle of the century following the return of the Heracleids; and one of the dates assigned for its foundation would even make it precede that of the Eolian Cuma, from which the Campanian city was believed to have derived both its * Strab, xiv., p. 672.

The Sicels and the Phoenicians gradually retreated before the Greeks, whose colonies, in the course of a century, covered the eastern and southern sides of the island. But the Sicels maintained themselves in the island and on the north coast, and the Phoenicians, or Carthaginians who succeeded them, established themselves in the west, where they possessed the towns of Motya, Solus, and Panormus, destined, under the name of Palermo, to become the capital of Sicily. The Chalcidians of Naxos soon after planted the new colonies of Leontium and Catana, and the two cities which command the straits were also of Chalcidian origin. The peculiarly advantageous site of Messina had before attracted the Sicels, who, from the form of its harbour, gave their town the name of Zan

name and a part of its population. It seems tradition, by observing that the Chalcidians unbetter to suppose that its antiquity has been der Theocles were the first Greeks who gained greatly exaggerated than that it owed its name a footing in Sicily. to a third Cuma in Euboea, which is otherwise totally unknown. But it is singular that, according to the common calculation, for three centuries no adventurers followed in the same track; and that even then, if we may believe Ephorus, the first Greek settlement in Sicily was the result of a fortunate chance, which revealed the richness of the country and the weakness of its inhabitants to Theocles, an Athenian, who was driven upon its coast. Till then the Greeks are said to have been deterred no less by the ferocity of the islanders than by the Etruscan pirates who infested their waters. On his return to Greece, Theocles first endeavoured to induce his fellow-citizens to send out a colony to Sicily, and when he failed in this attempt, addressed himself to the Chalcidians, with whom he was more successful.* Chaleis clé (a sickle). It was then seized by pirates was at this time, as for more than two centuries afterward, under the government of the great landowners, who seem to have had political motives for encouraging emigration among the poorer citizens. It had, perhaps, already planted several colonies in the Peninsula, which, with the three branches that it throws out towards the southeast, forms so remarkable a feature in the aspect of the Egæan Sea, and which hence acquired the name of Chalcidicé, though a considerable part of its Greek population was derived from Eretria, the neighbour and rival of Chalcis. The Isle of Naxos also took a part in the colony which Theocles led from Chalcis to the west-a part so important that the name of Naxos was given to the town which it founded on the eastern coast of Sicily, though Chalcis was acknowledged as its parent. The date of this event may be most probably fixed at Ol. xi., 2, B.C. 735.t

Sicily was at this time inhabited by at least four distinct races: by Sieanians, whom Thucydides considers as a tribe of the Iberians, who, sprung perhaps from Africa, had overspread Spain and the adjacent coasts, and even remote islands of the Mediterranean; by Sicels, an Italian people, probably not more foreign to the Greeks than the Pelasgians, who had been driven out of Italy by the progress of the Oscan or Ausonian race, and in their turn had pressed the Sicanians back towards the southern and western parts of the island, and themselves occupied so large a portion of it as to give their name to the whole. Of the other races, the Phoenicians were in possession of several points on the coast, and of some neighbouring islets, from which they carried on their commerce with the natives. The fourth people, which inhabited the towns of Eryx and Egesta, or Segesta, at the western end of the island, and bore the name of Elymians, was probably composed of different tribes, varying in their degrees of affinity to the Greeks; though we cannot adopt the Greek legend which represented them as fugitives from Troy, mixed with Phocians, or with followers of Philoctetes; and Thucydides himself seems to mark the uncertainty of the • Strabo, vi., p. 267.

+ This, however, cannot be safely inferred from Conon. 20. There is no proof that Conon's Theoclus is, as Raoul Rochette assumes Hist. de Col. Gr, i., p. 202), the same person with Theocles the founder of Naxos.

from the Italian Cuma, who were afterward strengthened by new adventurers from Chalcis. Rhegium is said to have been founded, under the immediate direction of the Delphic oracle, by a band of Chalcidians, who had been consecrated to Apollo, after the manner of the Italian Sacred Spring, to avert a famine, and were joined by Messenian exiles forced to quit their country on the fall of Ithomé.*

But the Greek cities in Sicily which rose to the highest pitch of prosperity and renown were of Dorian foundation. Of these, Syracuse was founded the year after Naxos, by Corinthians, under a leader named Archias, a Heracleid, and probably of the ruling caste, who appears to have been compelled to quit his country to avoid the effects of the indignation which he had excited by a horrible outrage committed in a family of lower rank. He was accompanied by another Heracleid, Chersicrates, whom he left with a division of his followers in the island of Corcyra, then inhabited by Liburnians, and by a colony of Eretrians, who were expelled by the Corinthians. Corcyra was only one, though the most important of a series of colonies planted by Corinth on the eastern coast of the Adriatic and the Ionian Sea. Syracuse became, in course of time, the parent of other Sicilian cities, among which Camarina was the most considerable. Megara, which had not long become independent of Corinth, followed her ancient sovereign in this field of enterprise, though, as her position naturally directed her attention to an opposite quarter, her inost flourishing and celebrated colonies lay on the coasts of the Propontis and the Bosporus, where, about a century after the foundation of Rome, she planted the future rival of the eternal city, Byzantium. In Sicily, Megarian adventurers, after many vicissitudes, succeeded in establishing themselves at Hybla, which was betrayed to them by a Sicel chief, and was henceforth called the Hyblaan Megara, but became most famous as the mother of the aspiring and ill-fated Selinus (B.C. 628). Forty-five years after Syracuse, Gela was founded

Strabo and Heraclides assign a different epoch and motive for this Messenian migration, which they refer to the civil dissensions in Messenia which preceded the first war But the Messenians who went into exile as partisans of Androclus seem, from Paus., iv., 14, 3 (quoted by Mueller, Dor., i., 7, 9), not to have left Peloponnesus.

↑ Plutarch, Am. Narr., ii.