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hold henceforward with a firmer grasp. He no longer relied on the affections of the common people, but took a body of foreign mercenaries into constant pay, and seizing the children of some of the principal citizens, who had not made their escape, and whom he suspected of being ill-disposed towards him, he sent them to Naxos, which he had reduced under the power of his friend Lygdamis, to be kept as hostages. Among the exiles was Cimon, the father of the celebrated Miltiades. He afterward obtained permission to return to Athens, on condition of transferring to Pisistratus the honour of a victory which he had gained in the chariot race at Olympia.” He appears to have maintained a considerable naval force; for, besides the conquest of Naxos, he engaged in another expedition in a more distant quarter, the object of which may have been partly to provide a place of retreat for his family against any new turn of fortune, but which was, no doubt, principally designed to increase his reputation and popularity at home. He revived the claim of the Athenians to the town of Sigeum on the Hellespont, which was then in the possession of the Mitylenaeans, but to which the Athenians pretended a title grounded on their supposed share in the Trojan war. Already, about half a century before, it had been the subject of war between the same cities, memorable for the victory which the sage Pittacus gained in single combat, by a new device,f over the Athenian general Phryno, and for a defeat of the Mitylenaeans, in which the poet Alcaeus left his shield a trophy to the enemy. This war had been terminated by the mediation of Periander, the ruler of Corinth, who awarded Sigeum to Athens. Pisistratus now took it from the Mitylenaeans, and committed it to the keeping of his bastard son Hegesistratus, who successfully defended it against their long-continued attacks. As the ruler of Athens, the chief city of the Ionian name, Pisistratus undertook the purification of Delos, which was enjoined by an oracle, and was effected by the removal of all the bodies that had been buried within sight of the temple of Apollo. At home he still preserved the forms of Solon's institutions, and courted popularity by munificent largesses, and by throwing open his gardens to the poorer citizens. At the same time he tightened the reins of government, and he appears to have made use of the authority of the Areopagus to maintain a rigorous police. He enforced Solon's law, which required every citizen to give an account of his means of gaining a subsistence, and punished idleness; and hence, by some, he was supposed to have been the author of it. It afforded him a pretext for removing from the city a great number of the poorer sort, who had no regular employment, and for compelling them to engage in rural occupations, in which, however, he assisted the indigent with his purse. The same policy prompted him, no less, perhaps, than his love for the arts, to adorn Athens with many useful or magnificent works. Among the latter was a temple of Apollo, and one dedicated to the
Olympian Jove, of which he only lived to cemplete the substructions, and which remained unfinished for 700 years, exciting the wonder, and sometimes the despair of posterity, by the vastness of the design, in which it surpassed every other that the ancient world ever raised in honour of the father of the gods. Among the monuments in which splendour and usesulness were equally combined, was the Lyceum, a garden at a short distance from Athens, sacred to the Lycian Apollo, where stately buildings, destined for the exercises of the Athenian youth, rose amid shady groves, which became one of the most celebrated haunts of philosophy, and the fountain of Callirhoe, which, from the new channels in which Pisistratus distributed its waters, was afterward called the fountain of the Nine Springs.” To defray the expense of these and his other undertakings, he laid a tithe on the produce of the land: an impost which seems to have excited great discontent in the class affected by it, and, so far as it was applied to the public buildings, was, in fact, a tax on the rich for the employment of the poor; but which, if we might trust a late and obscure writer, was only revived by Pisistratus after the example of the ancient kings of Attica.f. He is also believed to have been the author of a wise and beneficent law, which Solon, however, is said to have suggested, for supporting citizens disabled in war at the public expense. According to a tradition once very generally received, posterity has been indebted to him for a benefit greater than any which he conferred on his contemporaries, in the preservation of the Homeric poems, which till now had been scattered in unconnected rhapsodies. After every abatement that can be required in this story for misunderstanding and exaggeration, we cannot doubt that Pisistratus at least made a collection of the poet's works, superior in extent and accuracy to all that had preceded it, and thus certainly diffused the knowledge of them more widely among his countrymen, perhaps preserved something that might have been lost to future generations. In either case, he may claim the same merit as a lover of literature; and this was not a taste which derived any part of its gratification from the vanity of exclusive possession. He is said to have been the first person in Greece who collected a library, and to have earned a still higher praise by the genuine liberality with which he imparted its contents to the public. On the whole, though we cannot approve of the steps by which he mounted to power, we must own that he made a princely use of it; and may believe that, though under his dynasty Athens could never have risen to the greatness she asterward attained, she was indebted to his rule for a season of repose, during which she gained much of that strength which she finally unfolded. Pisistratus retained his sovereignty to the end of his life, and died at an advanced age, thirty-three years after his first usurpation
* See p. 154.
t Pittacus came, it is said, into the field armed with a casting net, a trident, and a dagger. He first entangled, and than despatched his antagonist. i Athen., xii., 44.
*** iz., 25, says he supplied them with cattle and sced.
t The letter of Pisistratus to Solon in Diog. Laert., ".. 53. There is an anecdote on this subject in Diodorus, Max, ii., p. 28. Pisistratus sees a man at work on some poor, rugged ground on Hymettus, and sends to inquire what his land yields him. e man answers, toil and trouble (kards 3öðvas), but that he does not mind, so long as Pisistratus has his share of the produce (rotorwyro plpos TItocrpáro Čučávat.) Pisistratus laughs, and takes the tax off from biland; whence the proverb of opakool rowwow driNitar.
(B.C. 527). His power was so firmly rooted that his sons, Hippias, Hipparchus, and Thessalus, succeeded him in the government without any opposition. The authority of Thucydides seems sufficient to prove that Hippias was the eldest, though his reasons are not of themselves convincing, and the current opinion in his own day gave the priority to Hipparchus.* As the eldest, Hippias would take his father's place at the head of affairs; but the three brothers appear to have lived in great unanimity together, and to have co-operated with little outward distinction in the administration of the state. Their characters are described as very different from each other. Hippias seems to have possessed the largest share of the qualities of a statesman. Hipparchus inherited his father's literary taste; but he was addicted to pleasure, and perhaps to amusements not becoming the dignity of his station;+ of Thessalus, the youngest, we hear only that he was a high-spirited youth.1 The successors of Pisistratus for some years trod in his steps and prosecuted his plans. They seem to have directed their attention to promote the internal prosperity of the country, and the cultivation of letters and arts. One of their expedients for the latter purpose, the credit of which seems to have belonged principally to Hipparchus, was to erect a number of Hermae, or stone busts of Mercury, along the side of the roads leading from the capital, inscribed on one side with an account of the distance which it marked, on the other with a moral sentence in verse,' probably the composition of Hipparchus himself, though he often received the first poets of the age under his roof. To him also is ascribed the establishment of the order in which the Homeric poems continued in after times to be publicly recited at the Panathenaic festival. The brothers imitated the sage policy of their father, in dropping the show of power as much as was consistent with a prudent regard to securing the substance. Yet it seems that they were not scrupulous about the means they employed to get rid of persons who had incurred their resentment or roused their jealousy; for Herod. otus relates as a notorious fact, that Cimon, af. ter he had been restored, as we have seen, by Pisistratus, was murdered by assassins who were hired by his sons. They kept up a standing force of foreign mercenaries; but they made no change in the laws or the forms of the Constitution, only taking care to fill the most important offices with their own friends. They even reduced the tax imposed by Pisistratus to a twentieth, and, without laying on any fresh burdens, provided for the exigencies of the state, and continued the great works which their father had begun. The language of a later writer," who speaks of their dominion as
having recalled the happiness of the golden age, seems almost justified by the sober praise of Thucydides, when he says that these tyrants most diligently cultivated virtue and wisdom. The country was flourishing, the people, if not perfectly contented, was certainly not impatient of the yoke, and their rule seemed likely to last for at least another generation, when an event occurred which changed at once the whole aspect of the government, and led to its premature overthrow. The names of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, the persons who indirectly brought about this revolution, have been immortalized by the ignorant or prejudiced gratitude of the Athenians; in any other history they would, perhaps, have been consigned to oblivion, and would certainly never have become the themes of panegyric. Aristogeiton was a citizen of the middle rank; Harmodius, a youth distinguished by the comeliness of his person; they were both sprung from a house supposed to have been of Phoenician origin, were, perhaps, reimotely allied to one another by blood, and were united by ties of the closest intimacy. The youth had received an outrage from Hipparchus, which, in a better state of society, would have been deemed the grossest that could be offered to him: it roused, however, not so much his resentment as the fears of his friend, lest Hipparchus should abuse his power to repeat and aggravate the insult. But Hipparchus, whose pride had been wounded by the conduct of Harmodius, contented himself with a less direct mode of revenge, an affront aimed not at his person, but at the honour of his family. By his orders the sister of Harmodius was invited to take part in a procession, as bearer of one of the sacred vessels. When she presented herself in her festal dress, she was publicly rejected and dismissed as unworthy of the honour. This insult stung Harmodius to the quick, and kindled the indignation of Aristogeiton: they resolved not only to wash it out in the blood of the offender, but to engage in the desperate enterprise, which had already been suggested by different motives to the thoughts of Aristogeiton, of overthrowing the ruling dynasty. They communicated their plan to a few friends, who promised their assistance, but they hoped that, as soon as the first blow was struck, they should be joined by numbers, who would joyfully seize the opportunity of recovering their freedom. The conspirators fixed on the festival of the great Panathenaea as the most convenient season for effecting their purpose. The festival was celebrated with a procession, in which the citizens marched armed with spears and shields, and was the only occasion on which, in time of peace, they could assemble under arms without exciting suspicion. It was agreed that Harmodius and Aristogeiton should give the signal by stabbing Hippias, while their friends kept off his guards, and that they should trust to the general disposition in favour of liberty for the farther success of their undertaking. When the day came, the conspirators armed themselves with daggers, which they concealed in the myrtle boughs which were carried on this occasion." But while Hippias, surrounded by his guards, was in the suburb called the Ceramicus, directing the order of the procession, one of the conspirators was observed to go up to him—for he was easy of access to all—and to enter into familiar conversation with him. The two friends, on seeing this, concluded that they were betrayed, and that they had no hope left but of revenge. They instantly rushed into the city, and meeting with Hipparchus, killed him before his guards could come up to his assistance. They, however, arrived in time to revenge his death upon Harmodius: Aristogeiton escaped for the moment through the crowd, but was afterward taken. When the news was brought to Hippias, instead of proceedihg to the scene of his brother's murder, he advanced with a composed countenance towards the armed procession, which was yet ignorant of the event, and, as if he had some grave discourse to address to them, desired them to lay aside their weapons and meet him at an appointed place. He then ordered his guards to seize the arms, and to search every one for those which he might have concealed upon his person. All who were found with daggers were arrested, together with those whom on any other grounds he suspected of disaffection. The fate of Aristogeiton may be easily imagined: he was put to death, according to some authors, after torture had been applied, to wring from him the names of his accomplices." It is said that he revenged himself by accusing the truest friends of Hippias, and that a girl of low condition, named Leaena, whose only crime was to have been the object of his affection, underwent like treatment; she was afterward celebrated for the constancy with which she endured the most cruel torments. It was now seen how little the happiness of a people is worth, when it depends on the virtue and wisdom of one man. Hippias had displayed both qualities in an eminent degree so long as he had no injury to avenge and no fears for his personal safety. On a sudden, from a mild, af. fable, and beneficent friend, he was turned into a suspicious, stern, and cruel tyrant, who regarded all his subjects as secret enemies, and, instead of attempting to conciliate them, aimed only at cowing them by rigour. But as, the Inore conscious he was of deserving their hatred, the less secure he could feel from its ef. fects, he seems to have hencesorth considered Attica as a domain held by a precarious tenure, and to have thought only of profiting as much as possible by his uncertain possession. We
* Perhaps by a of the younger citizens, as olivebranches were by do men, though it does not appear
now hear of frequent executions, of extraordinary imposts, and of artifices by which he filled his treasury at the expense of all classes of the people. At the same time, he entered into a foreign alliance, not so much with the view of strengthening his power as of providing a place of retreat for himself or his family, whenever the reverse which he foreboded should befall him. He gave his daughter Archeduce in marriage to the son of Hippoclus, tyrant of Lampsacus, a match which Thucydides looks upon as so great a disparagement, that he thinks
Hippias could never have submitted to it if he
had not believed he should soon need an asylum. Hippoclus stood high in the favour of the Persian king Darius, and Hippias already began to turn his views towards that quarter. He was threatened, not only by the discontent of the people at home, but from without by the machinations of powerful enemies, who were instigated by the strongest motives, both of interest and resentment, to spare no effort for his destruction. The banished Alcmaeonids were not the less formidable, because, after the last breach between the houses, Pisistratus or his successors had confiscated their estates in Attica, and had caused their mansions to be razed to the ground and their sepulchres to be demolished. They had secured so many resources abroad, that they were able to command every kind of assistance that money could purchase. After the death of Hipparchus, the growing unpopularity of Hippias had encouraged them to renew their attempts at a revolution; but though they had taken possession of a stronghold on the frontier of Attica," they were repulsed by his energy and vigilance with considerable loss. They now looked round them for foreign aid, and the influence they had acquired over the Delphic oracle enabled them to obtain it. The temple at Delphi had been destroyed some years before by a fire, probably accidental, but which was imputed to the Pi— sistratids by their enemies, and the Alcmaeonids had contracted with the Amphictyons to rebuild it on certain terms. With politic liberality, they executed their undertaking in a style more magnificent than the letter of the agreement prescribed, and in the front of the temple substituted Parian marble for the less costly stone of which the whole was to have been built. This munificence, while it raised their reputation throughout Greece, secured the useful gratitude of the Delphians, who were the chief gainers by it, and Cleisthenes, now the head of the house, found means of making the Pythian priestess the instrument of his designs. By his direction, as often as any Spartans came to consult the oracle, whether on public or private affairs, they received but one answer, bidding them restore Athens to freedom. These repeated exhortations at length produced the desired effect on the Spartans, whose reverence for the oracle was unbounded, and, though the family of Pisistratus was connected with them by the ties of public hospitality, they determined to send an army to expel it. This
force was placed under the command of Anchimolius, a man of high reputation, though not of the royal blood, and was transported over sea to Attica, and debarked at the port of Phalerum. But the Athenian government had received intelligence of their meditated expedition, and had sent to Thessaly, with which it had formed an alliance, for succours. The Thessalians sent a thousand horse under Cineas, whom Herodotus entitles king, and who was probably either tagus, or one of their most powerful nobles. He routed the Spartans, slew their commander, and drove them to their ships. The Spartans now sent out a greater force, under their king Cleomenes, to invade Attica by land. This time the Thessalian cavalry was defeated, and though their loss was small, they immediately abandoned thcir allies and returned home." Hippias was unable to face Cleomenes in the field, and even to defend the city, but he maintained himself in the citadel, which was well supplied with stores. The Spartans, who were not prepared for a siege, would have retired in a few days if Hippias had not, by an excess of precaution, afforded them an unexpected triumph. He ordered his children to be conveyed out of the country to a place of safety; on their way they fell into the hands of the enemy, and he could only redeem them on condition of quitting Attica within five days. In the fourth year after his brother's death (B.C. 510), Hippias set sail for Asia, where he fixed his residence, for a time, in his hereditary principality of Sigeum. After his departure many severe measures were taken against his adherents, who appear to have been for a long time after a formidable party. They were punished or repressed, some by death, others by exile or by the loss of their political privileges.f. The family of the tyrants was condemned to perpetual banishment, and appears to have been excepted from the most comprehensive decrees of amnesty passed in later times.f. On the other hand, the fortunate tyrannicides received almost heroic honours. They were either the first, or among the first mortals to whom statues were erected at the public expense as the reward of virtue. Their names never ceased to be repeated with affectionate admiration in the convivial songs of Athens, which assigned them a place in the islands of the Blessed by the side of Achilles and Tydides; and when an orator wished to suggest the idea of the highest merit and of the noblest services to the cause of liberty, he never failed to remind his hearers of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. It is probable enough that much of this enthusiasm was spurious and artificial as well as misplaced, and that the popular hatred was studiously inflamed against the exiled family by their personal enemies and political rivals. But still, these efforts would have been vain, had not Hippias, in the latter years of his government, laid a real foundation for the obloquy which indiscriminately overwhelmed
* This seems to be the battle to which Andocides alludes, De Myst. 106, as fought or Ilaxxmo. in which the pa: triots were headed by his great-grandfather Leogoras, and Charias his father-in-law.
+ Andecides, De Myst., W. 106.
1 Audoc., De Myst., **
* Phn, N.H., xxxv.,9. See Wagner, ad Chronicon Panurn, op. 55. Athen., xv., p. 605.
Wol. I.-B a
his own faults and merits, and those of his house. The expulsion of the Pisistratids left the democratical party, which had first raised them to power, without a leader. The Alcmaeonids had always been considered as its adversaries, though they were no less opposed to the faction of the nobles, which seems at this time to have been headed by Isagoras. It was still powerful, not only in its wide domains, but in the influence derived from birth, which was strengthened by the various ties, civil and religious, that united the old subdivisions of the tribes. Cleisthenes found himself, as his party had always been, unable to cope with it; he resolved, therefore, to shift his ground, and to attach himself to that popular cause which Pisistratus had used as the stepping-stone of his ambition. His aims, however, were not confined to a temporary advantage over his rivals: he planned an important change in the Constitution, which should forever break the power of his whole order, by dissolving some of the main links by which their sway was secured. For this purpose, having gained the confidence of the commonalty and obtained the sanction of the Delphic oracle, he abolished the four ancient tribes, and made a fresh geographical division of Attica into ten new tribes, each of which bore a name derived from some Attic hero. The ten tribes were subdivided into districts of various extent, called demes, each containing a town or village as its chief place. According to Herodotus, there were at first but a hundred of these townships, ten in each tribe; but as in later times they amounted to upward of 170, and there are no distinct traces left in history of the change by which so great an addition was made to the original number, the accuracy of this statement has been doubted. On the other hand, it has been thought to afford ground for concluding that the tribes of Cleisthenes did not include the whole of Attica.” This is one of the questions which depends entirely on the view we take of the ancient tribes. But it seems to be at least possible that changes may have taken place after the time of Cleisthenes in the interior of Attica, which made it convenient to divide many of the demes.t. It is more difficult to explain the origin of the transposition through which demes belonging to the same tribe are found at opposite extremities of Attica. Cleisthenes appears to have preserved the ancient phratries;f but as they were now left insulated by the abolition of the tribes to which they belonged, they lost all political importance, and retained no other office than that of watching over the legitimate succession of their members, and registering their title to their hereditary civil rights. All the political functions previously discharged by the subdivisions of the ancient tribes, particularly those connected with the demands of the state on the property of the citizens, were now transferred to the newly incorporated townships, each of which was governed by its local magistrate, the demarch, and held its assemblies for the transaction of its peculiar affairs, and for ascertaining and recording the number of its members. It was necessary
for every citizen, a least for all who were not natives of Athens itself, to be entered in the register of some township, which was the foundation of all his political rights and duties, as admission into the phratries was of those which belonged to him in his private capacity. Cleisthenes at the same time increased the strength of the commonalty by making a great many new citizens, and he is said to have enfranchised not only aliens—and these both residents and adventurers from abroad—but slaves:* a step to which it would seem he could only have been urged by the exigences of his position, which may have forced him to purchase such support on such terms; and, in that case, it proves the strong hold which the opposite party kept on a great body of the people, and which it was the object of his other measures to loosen. We are too little acquainted with the machinery of the system which Cleisthenes broke up, to form a very distinct notion of the importance of his innovation; but we know enough to convince us that it was not, as Herodotus imagined, capricious, or prompted by the mere love of change. It had the effect of transforming the commonalty into a new body, furnished with new organs, and breathing a new spirit, which was no longer subject to the slightest control from any influence, save that of wealth and personal qualities, in the old nobility. The whole frame of the state was reorganized to correspond with the new division of the country. The Senate of the Four Hundred was increased to Five Hundred, that fifty might be drawn from each tribe, and the rotation of the presidency was adapted to this change, the fifty councillors of each tribe filling that office for thirty-five or thirty-six days in succession, and nine councillors being elected, one from each of the other tribes, to preside in the Council and the Assembly of the People, which was now called regularly four times in the month, certain business being assigned to each meeting. The Heliaea was also distributed into ten courts; and the same division henceforth prevailed in most of the public offices, though the number of the archons remained unchanged. To Cleisthenes also is ascribed the formal institution of the ostracism,t a summary process, by which the people was enabled to rid itself of any citizen who had made himself formidable or suspicious, without any proof, or even imputation of guilt, and though his influence was the legitimate fruit of superior ability or merit. Solon had enacted that no law relating to the rights of individual citizens (in the nature of the Roman privilegium) should be passed by less than a majority of 6000 voices. But the power tacitly conferred by this restriction was now expressly defined or enlarged, so as to permit not merely an absolute, but a relative majority of the same number, by secret votes, to send any obnoxious
citizen into exile for ten years. Such an expedient marks the weak and unsettled state of a government which could find it necessary for its safety, but repugnant, as it is, to the abstract principles of justice, and only to be palliated by the peculiar dangers to which a Greek democracy was exposed; and though it was often mischievously abused, it may be questioned whether it was not a salutary precaution, not only as it proved a timely check on the ambition of aspiring individuals, but as it allayed or gave vent to the public uneasiness, which might otherwise have broken out into violence and bloodshed. These changes, and the influence they acquired for their author, reduced the party of Isagoras to utter weakness, and they saw no prospect of maintaining themselves but by foreign aid. Isagoras had courted the favour of Cleomenes, when he came on his last expedition, as was reported, by overlooking his familiarity with his wife. He now solicited his assistance, and at his suggestion the Spartan king sent a herald to Athens, to revive the old imputation against the Alcmaeonids, and to require the expulsion of the accursed race. Cleisthenes, against whom the attack was principally directed, either dreading the cry which had so often proved disastrous to his house, or unwilling to expose his country to invasion on his own account, withdrew from Athens; but Cleomenes, encouraged rather than appeased by this concession, soon followed his herald to take advantage of it, and to reduce the Athenians under the dominion of Isagoras. He brought but a small force with him; yet the people, dismayed by the absence of their leader, suffered him at first to act as if he was absolute master. He began by banishing 700 families designated by Isagoras, and then proceeded to suppress the Council of the Five Hundred, and to lodge the government in the hands of Three Hundred of his friend's partisans. When, however, the councillors resisted this attempt, the people took heart, and, Cleomenes and Isagoras having occupied the citadel, rose in a body and besieged them there. As they were not prepared to sustain a siege, they capitulated on the third day: Cleomenes and Isagoras were permitted to depart with the Lacedæmonian troops, but they were compelled to abandon their adherents to the mercy of their enemies. All were put to death, and Cleisthenes and the 700 banished families returned triumphantly to Athens. It was soon heard that Cleomenes was making active preparations to avenge his humiliating defeat and to restore Isagoras. The Athenians, in their first alarm, sent envoys to Sardis to conclude an alliance with Persia, or, rather, to seek its protection. As this embassy was not attended with any immediate effect, it will be more fitly noticed when we come to the history of the events which led to the Persian war. Cleomenes having collected all the forces he could raise in Peloponnesus, and being joined by his colleague Demaratus, invaded Attica on the side of #. while the Thebans, who had concerted their operations with him, took the towns of OEnoe and Hysiae, on the northern frontier, and the Chalcidians, crossing over from Euboea, ravaged the eastern coast. The Athenians, for the present neglecting these new en