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CIVIL HISTORY OF ATTICA.

of the first assembly held every year, to receive the proposals that might be made by individuals for a change in the existing laws. If these appeared sufficiently well grounded to merit farther investigation, the third ordinary assembly of the year might direct the appointment of a committee of legislation, drawn by lot from the whole body of jurors, to compare the relative merits of the old law with that which was proposed to be substituted for it. The latter, in the mean while, was exposed to a conspicuous place for the inspection of every citizen, to enable them to determine the numbers of the legislative committee, and the time to be allowed for their task, during which they received a stipend from the treasury. The committee proceeded according to the forms of a legal trial. Five advocatest were chosen to defend the old law; if they failed in making out their case, that which was approved came immediately into force, though its author was still responsible for his measure. But as this kind of reformation depended on the vigilance and sagacity of private citizens, Solon added a more certain provision for correcting defects and incongruities, which might creep in through error The thesmothetes, who and inadvertency. were naturally led by their judicial practice to notice the imperfections of the law, were officially authorized to review the whole code, and to refer all statutes which they deemed void, contradictory, or superfluous, to the legislative committee, in order that the law might be restored to its pristine simplicity.

selves to the study of the law as a profession; the only persons who there corresponded in some degree to the Roman jurists were the expounders of the traditional rules and forms concerning religious observances.* It was Solon's wish to accustom every citizen to consider himself as personally concerned in the maintenance of the laws: the best state, he is reported to have said, is that in which all who witness wrong are no less active in procuring its re-i dress and the punishment of the aggressor than the sufferer himself. Hence he permitted and encouraged every citizen to come forward as prosecutor in cases affecting the interests of the state; and he multiplied the avenues to justice by affording the means of choosing among a great variety of modes of proceeding. But how far removed he was from any design of cherishing litigation, sufficiently appears from his institution of the public arbitrators;† a body of persons annually created by lot, but who were required to have passed the age of sixty, before each of whom all private causes might be brought, and from whom, when they were selected by the common consent of the parties, no appeal was allowed. The motive which led Solon to direct that so great a number of jurors as composed each of the Heliastic courts, never amounting to less than several hundreds,‡ should sit together on the same cause, must be referred to the view he took of them as repre sentatives of the people. Hence, to ensure that always be in accordance with the opinions and the spirit with which they were animated should The wisdom and ingenuity displayed in many sentiments of the whole body, it might seem of these arrangements must command our ad- necessary to collect them in large masses. For miration; but it may appear surprising that so the same reason they were free from all legal cautious and temperate a statesman as Solon responsibility; and they were screened from should have thought it safe to commit such ex- disgrace, not only by the greatness of their tensive powers to so numerous a body, taken numbers, but by the secrecy of their votes. It indiscriminately and by chance from the great might reasonably have been expected that the mass of the people, without any peculiar ad- danger arising from the certainty of impunity vantages of fortune and education, or any spe- accompanying the exercise of almost absolute cial training to prepare them for the execution power would have been in some measure comof such apparently arduous and delicate tasks. pensated by the security which seemed to be He manifestly believed that no higher qualities afforded by the same causes against venality were requisite for the discharge of the duties and corruption. We learn, however, that means he assigned to them than the ordinary degree of were at length discovered of eluding these ob intelligence and integrity which might be ex-stacles, and that the practice of bribery in the pected in every citizen, aided by that practical courts of justice was reduced to a regular sys experience which it was the great object of his tem.§ institutions to impart equally to all. Nothing seems more directly opposite to his views and to the genius of his system than the design attributed to him by Plutarch, who fancies that he wrapped his laws in studied obscurity for the purpose of multiplying the causes of litigation. It is possible that their antique simplicity itself may have laid them more open to be wrested by chicanery than those framed in ages of greater refinement. But the legislator himself assuredly thought their sense so plain as to be within the reach of the commonest capacity. The ordinary number seems to have been 500 (WachHence he was not led to draw that nice dissmuth, ii., 1, p. 315, has made a curious mistake in refertinction which is so familiar to us, between the province of the judge and the jury: hence ev-ring to Pollux, viii., 124), but in some cases to have been ery magistrate, within whose sphere of admin- as low as 400 and 200. See Boeckh, in a note at the end of First contrived, according to Aristotle, by one Anytus. istration legal controversies might arise, was Suevern's Essay on the Clouds of Aristophanes. Harpocration, Δεκάζων. empowered to preside over the court to which they were referred: hence at Athens there was no class of men who dedicated them† Σύνδικοι.

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* Νομόθεται.
VOL. 1.-A A

*

proceeding were peculiarly rigid and solemn.ter of his patrimony, and entered upon what It was held in the open air, perhaps that the may be considered either as the beginning of judges might not be polluted by sitting under his military service or his apprenticeship in the same roof with the criminals. The de- arms. He was sent into the country to keep fendant was kept closely to the point at issue, watch and ward in the towns and fortresses and restrained from all rhetorical digressions on the coast and frontier, and to perform any and appeals to the passions. Both parties, be- other tasks which might be imposed upon him fore the pleadings began, were bound to affirm for the protection of Attica. It appears to the truth of their allegations with the most aw- have been on this occasion that he took the ful oaths. But before sentence was passed, the military oath,* by which he pledged himself culprit might withdraw out of its reach into vol- never to disgrace his arms nor to desert his untary exile. comrade; to combat to the last in defence of It is not certain whether Solon introduced, or Attica, its altars, and its hearths; to leave his only retained the regulation which fixed the country not in worse, but in better plight than manner in which the court was henceforth com- he found it; to obey the magistrates and the posed. It was filled with the archons who had laws, and resist all attempts to subvert them; discharged their office with approved fidelity, and to respect the religion of his ancestors. and they held their seats for life. The venera-This service lasted two years; at the end of it ble character of the court seems to have deter- he was admitted to share all the rights and dumined Solon to apply it to another purpose; ties of a citizen, for which the law had not preand, without making any change in its original scribed a more advanced age: they included jurisdiction, to erect it into a supreme council, that of voting and speaking in the general asinvested with a superintending and controlling sembly. Till the end of his sixtieth year he authority, which extended over every part of was liable to be called out to military duty. the social system. He constituted it the guar-Solon also made regulations for the government dian of the public morals and religion, to keep of the other sex. All their details are not perwatch over the education and conduct of the fectly intelligible; but their general object was citizens, and to protect the state from the dis- to restrain the license it had hitherto enjoyed, grace or pollution of wantonness and profane- and often abused, to the detriment of the public ness. He armed it with extraordinary powers morals and decency, and peculiar officers were of interfering in pressing emergencies, to avert appointed to enforce the observance of them.† any sudden and imminent danger which threat- They seem to prove that at this time, at least, ened the public safety. The nature of its func- the Attic women were far from being subject tions rendered it scarcely possible precisely to to that jealous seclusion by which it has often define their limits; and Solon probably thought been supposed that they were rigidly confined it best to let them remain in that obscurity to their homes. They were forbidden to go which magnifies whatever is indistinct. The abroad with more than three changes of appastrength of the council rested on public opinion, rel and a stated quantity of provisions; to pass not on the letter of the law. It could only ex- through the streets by night otherwise than in ercise its trust with advantage so long as it re- a carriage, and with a light carried before them; tained the confidence of its fellow-citizens; to disfigure their persons, and to wail with franwhen that was lost, it became time that its le-tic or studied vehemence at funerals, and were gal authority should cease.

still more closely restricted in their attendance on the obsequies of a neighbour.

ticed, or studiously kept barren by the aristocratical government. He appears to have laid the foundation of the Attic navy by charging the forty-eight sections, called naucraries,t into which the tribes had been divided for financial purposes, each with the equipment of a galley, as well as with the mounting of two horsemen. He also gave active encouragement to trade and manufactures, and with this view invited foreigners, who brought with them any branch of useful industry, to settle in Attica, by the assurance of protection, and by larger privileges. These resident aliens were still, indeed, as they had always been, and were throughout * Pollux, viii., 105.

We cannot here attempt to give anything more than a very general outline of Solon's in- Solon appears first distinctly to have perstitutions, especially as we have still to notice ceived the peculiar advantages of the maritime some changes which before long were intro-position of Attica, which had either been unnoduced in them. We therefore abstain from entering upon a survey of his civil and penal codes, our whole knowledge of which is scanty and fragmentary, and made up of particulars which are often obscure and disputable. We shall only remark on a few points connected with the progress of society, and the state of manners and education at Athens. Solon had neither the means nor the inclination to exercise the same degree of control over the pursuits and the domestic habits of his people as the Spartan lawgiver had found to be practicable and politic. To the age of sixteen the education of the Athenian boy was left entirely to the care of his parents or guardians. During the next two years the state seems to have interfered, to compel his attendance at the gymnastic schools, where he was trained to manly exercises under masters publicly appointed,† and subject to a discipline not much less severe than that of Spar-proved by the mention of them in Her., v, 71. But the

ta.

At eighteen the youth might become mas

lux, vil., 112, † Γυναικονόμοι, οι γυναικοκόσμοι. Οι γυναικοκόμοι, ΡοζFrom Philochorus, in Athen., v., p. 245, it seems that they acted as ministers of the Areopagus. # Naukр piai. That they existed before Solon seems name seems to have had nothing to do with navigation, but to be derived from vaiw. Navкpapos is another form of vauxλnpos, in the sense of a householder, as it is interpret* And, according to Lucian (Herm., 64, De Dom., 18) and ed by Pollux, x., 20, as volov was used for the rent of a Clearchus in Athen., vi., p. 255, F., in the dark-an ab-house, oiktov; though it does not follow that valg itself surdity which has been often repeated by modern writers, ever signified a house, as Heinsterhuis supposes. On their as if it rested on the best authority. relation to the rperrées, see Wachsmuth, L 1, p. 239, or Dr. Arnold, Thuc., i., p. 663. Ο Μέτοικοι.

† Κόσμηται, σωφρονισταί, γυμνασταί, παιδότριβαι.

CIVIL HISTORY OF ATTICA.

Greece, distinguished by a broad line from the
citizens. They were restrained from acquiring
property in land: their burdens were heavier,
and some peculiar to themselves. Each was
compelled to purchase the shelter he received
from the state by the payment of a small annual
sum*-in default of which he was liable to be
sold as a slave-and to place himself under the
guardianship of a citizen, who was his formal
representative in the courts of justice. The
aliens were also subject to some duties, which
seemed designed to mark the inferiority of their
condition. In certain solemn processions, as
at the Panathenaic festival, they were compell-
ed to bear a part of the sacred utensils, and
their wives and daughters to pay a kind of ser-
vile attendance on the Attic women. This,
however, may have been an innovation of a la-
Solon
ter period, when the value of the civic franchise
had risen with the power of the state.
is said to have admitted many to the freedom
of the city, and those who had earned the fa-
vour of the people might be rewarded with an
immunity which relieved them from their pe-
culiar burdens, and placed them, with respect
to taxation, on a level with the citizens. It
may be considered as an indication of the same
spirit in which Solon cherished commerce and
manufactures, that he removed one of the re-
straints which had before been imposed on the
alienation of property, and permitted the child-
less testator to leave his estate out of his own
family and house, which anciently had an inde-
feasible claim to the vacant inheritance.

It is not certain how far Solon may have de-
served the praise of introducing the humane
aws which, in Attica, mitigated the lot of the
slave. The peculiar causes which rendered his
condition there generally less wretched than in
most other parts of Greece arose in later times.
But he was early entitled to claim the protec-
tion of the law against the cruelty of a brutal
master, who might be compelled to transfer him
As little are we able to de-
to another owner.
termine whether the legislator expressly sanc-
tioned, or only tacitly permitted, that horrible
barbarity in the treatment of these unhappy be-
ings, which is one of the foulest stains on the
manners of Greece, though common to it with
the rest of the ancient world, and one with
which few nations of modern Europe have a
right to reproach it. It is to be feared that he
recognised and approved of the atrocious abuse
to which the slave was subject in the Athenian
courts, where, at the discretion of either of the
parties, evidence might be wrung from him by
torture, without even the excuse of necessity,
or of so much as a probable advantage; for
though he might be willing to offer it freely, it
was rejected as worthless until it had been sift-
ed by the rack. There is the less reason to
doubt that in this respect Solon did not rise
above the prejudices of his age and country, as
even resident aliens were exposed to the same
treatment, though, in their case at least, policy
as well as humanity should have induced him
to prohibit it.

Solon was not one of those reformers who
dream that they have put an end to innovation,

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+ Προστάτης.

and that the changes they have wrought are ex-
empt from the general condition of mutability.
But the very provisions which he made for the
continual revision and amendment of his laws
seem to show the improbability of Plutarch's
account, that he enacted them to remain in
force for no more than a century. They were
inscribed on wooden tablets, arranged in pyram-
idal blocks turning on an axis, which were
kept at first in the Acropolis, but were after-
ward, for more convenient inspection, brought
down to the Prytaneum.† According to Plu-
tarch, Solon, after the completion of his work,
found himself exposed to such incessant vexa-
tion from the questions of the curious and the
cavils of the discontented, that he sought and
obtained permission to withdraw from Athens
for ten years, and set out on the travels in which
lecting and diffusing knowledge, and every-
he visited Asia Minor, Cyprus, and Egypt, col-
where leaving traces of his presence in visible
monuments, or in the memories of men. But
there is some difficulty in reconciling this story
with chronology, since it supposes him to have
found Croesus reigning in Lydia, who did not
mount the throne within twenty or thirty years
It is
after, and the alleged occasion of the journey
is very doubtful, though it is in substance the
same with that assigned by Herodotus.
probable that Solon remained for several years
at Athens, to observe the practical effect of his
institutions, and to second their operation by
well aware how little the letter of a political
his personal influence. He was undoubtedly
system can avail until its practice has become
familiar, and its principles have gained a hold
on the opinions and feelings of the people, and
that this must be a gradual process, and liable
to interruption and disturbance. Hence it could
not greatly disappoint or afflict him to hear voi-
ces raised from time to time against himself,
and to perceive that his views were not fully or
generally comprehended. But he may at length
have thought it prudent to retire for a season
from the public eye, the better to maintain his
dignity and popularity; and as he himself decla-
red that age, while it crept upon him, still found
him continually learning, we need not be sur-
prised if, at an unusually late period of life, he
set out on a long course of travels.

On his return he found that faction had been actively labouring to pervert and undo his work. The three parties of the plain, the coast, and the highlands had revived their ancient feuds, though the grounds of their mutual animosity could not have been the same as before, and perhaps were almost reduced to a name, which, however, would serve the purpose of their leaders as well as more solid objects of contention. The first of these parties was now headed by Lycurgus, the second by Megacles, a grandson of the archon who brought the stain and curse upon his house, the third by Pisistratus, son of

* *Αξονες, κύρβεις. According to some authors, the ἄξονες taining to religion. Plut., Sol., 25. contained the civil laws; kupus, the canon, or laws per

+Pollux, viii., 128. Ephialtes is said to have been the author of this measure. Harpocrat., & KárшOEV výpos. The the dyopa.-Pausan., i., 18, 3. But the most ancient must have stood on the Acropolis, and it seems to have been Prytaneum, in later times, stood below the Acropolis, near there that Solon's laws were deposited. Perhaps their removal was only a natural consequence of the erection of a new Prytaneum on the lower site in the time of Pericles.

Hippocrates, the kinsman of Solon, and the and felt. He made no visible changes in the friend of his youth, whom we have already seen Constitution, but suffered the ordinary magissupporting Solon's measures by his eloquence trates to be appointed in the usual manner, the and his military talents. Solon had early de-tribunals to retain their authority, and the laws tected the secret designs of Pisistratus, and is to hold their course. In his own person he alsaid to have observed of him, that nothing but fected the demeanour of a private citizen, and his ambition prevented him from displaying the displayed his submission to the laws by appearhighest qualities of a man and a citizen. But ing before the Areopagus to answer a charge it was in vain that he endeavoured to avert the of murder, which, however, the accuser did not danger which he saw threatened by the struggle think fit to prosecute. He continued to show of the factions, and used all his influence to rec- honour to Solon, to court his friendship, and oncile their chiefs. This was the more diffi- ask his advice, which Solon did not think himcult, because the views of all were perhaps self bound to withhold where it might be useful equally selfish, and none was so conscious of to his country, lest he should appear to sanction his own sincerity as to rely on the professions the usurpation which he had denounced. He of the others. Pisistratus is said to have listen- probably looked upon the government of Pisised respectfully to Solon's remonstrances, but tratus, though at variance with the principles he waited only for an opportunity of executing of his constitution, as a less evil than would his project. He had resolved to renew the en- have ensued from the success of either of the terprise of Cylon, in which his illustrious birth, other parties; and even as a good, so far as it eminent abilities, and winning manners, and the prevented them from acquiring a similar prepopularity he had acquired by his munificence ponderance. Still, it must have been with towards the poorer citizens, gave him a better mournful feelings that he viewed a state of prospect of success. His schemes also were things in which such an alternative could seem more artfully laid. When they appeared to be the best, and certainly can have set little value ripe for action, he was one day drawn in a on a liberty which had no security but the modchariot into the public place, his own person eration of one man. It is not certain how long and his mules disfigured with recent wounds, he survived this inroad upon his institutions: inflicted, as the sequel proved, by his own hand, one account, apparently the most authentic, which he showed to the multitude, while he places his death in the year following that in told them that on his way into the country he which the revolution took place (B.C. 559). had narrowly escaped a band of assassins, who The leisure of his retirement from public life had been employed to murder the friend of the was to the last devoted to the Muses; and, if people. While the indignation of the crowd we might trust Plato's assertions on such subwas fresh, and from all sides assurances were jects, he was engaged at the time of his death heard that they would defend him against his in the composition of a great poem, in which he enemies, an assembly was called by his parti- had designed to describe the flourishing state sans, in which one of them, named Aristo, came of Attica before the Ogygian flood, and to celeforward with a motion that a guard of fifty citi-brate the wars which it waged with the inhabzens, armed with clubs, should be decreed to itants of the vast island which afterward sank protect the person of Pisistratus. Solon, the in the Atlantic Ocean. On the fragments of only man who ventured to oppose this proposi- this poem preserved in the family, Plato, himtion, warned the assembly of its pernicious con- self a descendant of Solon, professes to have sequences. But as all those who were not blind founded a work which he left unfinished, but in to the danger shrank from facing it, his argu- which he had meant to exhibit his imaginary ments were unavailing, and the body-guard was state in life and action. It is certainly not imdecreed. The smallness of its numbers and the probable that Solon, when the prospects of his simplicity of its weapon may have seemed suf- country became gloomy, and his own political ficent security that it would be applied to no career was closed, indulged his imagination other purpose than that of necessary defence. with excursions into an ideal world, where he But the people, which eagerly passed the decree, may have raised a social fabric as unlike as did not keep a jealous eye upon the mode of its possible to the reality which he had before his execution, and Pisistratus took advantage of eyes at home, and perhaps suggested by what it to raise a force which enabled him to inake he had seen or heard in Egypt. It is only imhimself master of the citadel. Perhaps his par-portant to observe that the fact, if admitted, tisans represented this as a necessary precau- can lead to no safe conclusions as to his abtion, to guard it against the enemies of the peo-stract political principles, and can still less be ple. Megacles and the Alemæonids left the city. Solon, after an ineffectual attempt to rouse his countrymen against the growing power which was making such rapid strides towards tyranny, is said to have taken down his arms, and laid them in the street before his door, as a sign that he had made his last effort in the cause of liberty and the laws. Lycurgus and his party seem to have submitted quietly for a time to the authority of Pisistratus, waiting, asi., p. 28) of his forbearance towards a youth who had taken the event showed, for a more favourable opportunity of overthrowing him.

The usurper was satisfied with the substance of power, and endeavoured, as much as possible, to prevent his dominion from being seen

allowed to sway our judgment on the design and character of his institutions.

Pisistratus did not long retain his power. The party of Lycurgus, discovering that singly it was not strong enough to attack him, entered into a coalition with the exiled Alemaonids, and their united forces compelled him to leave

* An anecdote is related in Diodorus (Mai, Vet. Script., walking in a public procession. Plutarch, Apophth., gives a the liberty of saluting his beautiful daughter as she was

different version of the story.

that he lived much longer

+ That of Phamas of Lesbos. Heraclides Pont, asserted Phanas seems to have been more accurate in his dates, and his account is in itself the most probable. See Clinton's F. H., ii., p 301.

CIVIL HISTORY OF ATTICA.

which increases the improbability of the view
which Herodotus takes of the story, but which,
as we know nothing with certainty of her pre-
vious rank, may have been perfectly natural
on the other.

Athens. But they had soon occasion to perceive how formidable he continued to be after this defeat; for when his property was exposed to public sale, no one could be found bold enough Pisistratus, restored to power, nominally perto bid for it but Callias, an ancestor of the celebrated Alcibiades. The two factions had no sooner accomplished the object of their tempo- formed his part of the compact by marrying the rary union, than they began to quarrel for the daughter of Megacles, but it was soon discovprize which they had wrested from their com- ered that he had no intention of really uniting mon enemy, and at the end of five years, Mega- his blood with a family which was commonly cles, finding himself the weakest, made over- thought to be struck with an everlasting curse, tures of reconciliation to Pisistratus, and offered and that he treated his young wife as one only to bestow on him the hand of his daughter Co- in name. The Alemæonids were indignant at syra, and to assist him in recovering the station the affront and at the breach of faith, and once he had lost. As Herodotus describes the bar- more they determined to make common cause gain, Megacles sent to know whether Pisistra- with the party of Lycurgus. Once more the tus would take his daughter, on condition of balance inclined against Pisistratus, and, unabeing reinstated in the tyranny. Megacles was ble to resist the combined force of his adversaprobably desirous of the match, because the old ries, he retired into exile to Eretria in Euboea. stain still clung to his house, and he hoped that Here he deliberated with his sons whether he it might be effaced by the lustre of the new alli- should not abandon all thoughts of returning to ance. Pisistratus accepted the proposal, though Attica. They appear to have been divided in he was now long past the prime of life, and the their wishes or opinions, but Hippias, the elfather of three sons and a daughter by a former dest, prevailed on his father again to make head marriage. When the contract was concluded, against his enemies. He possessed lands on the two parties concerted a plan for executing the River Strymon in Thrace, which yielded a the main condition, the restoration of Pisistra- large revenue, and his interest was strong in tus. For this purpose Herodotus supposes them several Greek cities, especially at Thebes and to have devised an artifice, which excites his Argos. He now exerted it to the utmost to astonishment at the simplicity of the people on gather contributions towards his projected enwhom it was practised, and which appears to terprise: the Thebans distinguished themselves him to degrade the national character of the by the liberality of their subsidies. By the end Greeks, who, he observes, had of old been dis- of ten years he had completed his preparations; tinguished from the barbarians by their superior a body of mercenaries was brought to him from sagacity. Yet in itself the incident seems nei- Argos, and Lygdamis, one of the most powerful ther very extraordinary nor a proof that the men in the Isle of Naxos, came to his aid, with contrivers reckoned on an enormous measure all the troops and money he could raise. In of credulity in their countrymen. In one of the the eleventh or twelfth year after his last exAttic villages they found a woman, Phya by pulsion he set sail from Eretria, and landed on name, of unusually high stature, and comely the plain of Marathon, to recover his sovereignform and features. Having arrayed her in a ty by open force. The two adverse parties complete suit of armour, and instructed her to were firmly united by their common interest maintain a carriage becoming the part she was and the deadly hatred of the Alemæonids; but to assume, they placed her in a chariot, and their government was not popuiar, and Pisistrasent heralds before her to the city, who pro- tus had many friends in the country and in claimed that Athené herself was bringing back Athens, who, on his arrival, flocked to his camp. Pisistratus to her own citadel, and exhorted the His enemies, who had viewed his preparations Athenians to receive the favourite of the god- with supine indifference, now hastily collected dess with good-will. Pisistratus rode by the their forces and marched to meet him. But woman's side. When they reached the city, they showed as little of vigilance and activity the Athenians, according to Herodotus, believ- in the field, as of forethought in their counsels. ing that they saw the goddess in person, adored The two armies were encamped near each othher, and received Pisistratus. This story would er, and not far from Athens. At noon, when indeed be singular, if we consider the expedi- the Athenians from the city, after their meal, ent in the light of a stratagem, on which the had turned, some to dice, others to sleep, Pisisconfederates relied for overcoming the resist-tratus suddenly fell upon the camp, killed many, ance which they might otherwise have expect- and put the rest to a complete rout. This first ed from their adversaries. But it seems quite success he followed up by a step which showed as probable that the pageant was only designed a spirit worthy of his fortune. Instead of pushto add extraordinary solemnity to the entrance ing his troops forward, to deal slaughter among of Pisistratus, and to suggest the reflection that the flying enemy, he sent his sons on horseback it was by the especial favour of Heaven he had to overtake the fugitives, and proclaim a genbeen so unexpectedly restored. The new coali-eral amnesty on condition of their dispersing tion must have rendered all resistance hopeless. As the procession passed, the populace no doubt gazed, some in awe, all in wonder; but there is no reason to think that the result would have been different if they had all seen through the artifice. Pisistratus is said to have rewarded Phya for her services by giving her in marriage to his son Hipparchus a kind of recompense Her., v., 121.

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According to Athen., xiii., p. 609, she was a garlandseller. If so, it is hard to believe that Pisistratus married her to his son.

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