Samos, was an ancestor of the philosopher. Cleonæ seems also to have been occupied by Dorians, who established there a state independent of Argos, and perhaps hostile to it, as the ruling family was connected with that of Epidaurus.* The more important acquisition of Corinth was reserved for another dynasty of Heracleids. When the Dorians were on the point of embarking at Naupactus, Hippotes, one of their chiefs, and a descendant of Hercules, was thought to have incurred the anger of Apollo, which showed itself in a pestilence that afflicted the whole army. Hippotes, as the guilty cause of the calamity, was forced to quit the camp, and spent many years as a wandering outcast. But his son, whom he had named, from his long wanderings, Aletes, having grown up to manhood, collected a band of Dorian adventurers, and directed his arms against Corinth. The mode in which he achieved the conquest is variously cipal families withdrew to Athens, and Epidau- | origin of Pythagoras, Hippasus, who settled in rus became at once a Dorian state. On the other hand, we find it mentioned, on the authority of Aristotle, that Ionians from the Attic Tetrapolis accompanied the Dorians in their expedition, and shared the possession of Epidaurus with them,* a memorable fact, on account of the influence it may have had on the Attic traditions relating to the return of the Heracleids. The success of Deiphontes, however, was imbittered by a tragical calamity, brought upon him by the deadly hatred of his kinsmen. Hyrnetho's brothers resolved to separate her from her husband: only Agræus, the youngest of the four brothers, refused to concur in the plot. Cerynes and Phalces, attended by a herald, came to the gates of Epidaurus, and sent to request an interview with their sister without the walls. When she had granted their wish, but turned a deaf ear to the persuasions by which they sought to prevail on her to accompany them to Argos, they forcibly placed her in their chariot, and were hastening away, when Deiphon-related. According to one account, the line of tes, informed of her danger, came up to rescue her. He instantly slew Cerynes, but Hyrnetho herself fell a victim to the violence with which she was detained by Phalces, who made his escape, while Deiphontes and his followers took up his sister's corpse. The youngest brother, Agræus, appears to have conquered the adjacent territory of Trozea,+ where, as at Epidaurus, the Dorians are said to have been admitted without resistance; and perhaps we may infer, from the part assigned to him in the legend just related, that, in the feuds which seem at this period to have divided the Dorians in Argolis, Træezen and Epidaurus were united against Argos. But Sisyphus was at this time represented by two Phalces subjected Sicyon to the Dorian sway. It was already ruled by a prince who traced his origin to Hercules, and who is said to have been on this account respected by the Dorians when they made themselves masters of the city by a nightly surprise. Phalces contented himself with sharing his power. In the next generation, the Dorian arms were carried up the valley of the Sicyonian Asopus against Phlius, by The fall of Corinth was attended by another Rhegnidas, son of Phalces. He appears to have expedition, which drew the Dorians to the north been assisted in his expedition by forces sent of the Isthmus, and brought them, for the first from Argos. Yet their united strength seems time, into a conflict with Attica. The Boeotians not nave been very formidable, or their mod- had no sooner completed their conquest, than eration was great. Rhegnidas invited the peo- they began to threaten their southern neighple of Sicyon to receive the Dorians as friends, bours. They made inroads on the Attic border, and to make a fair partition of their fruitful ter- and claimed some towns as belonging to their ritory with the new settlers. We are not told territory. When the Attic king, Thymates, who reigned at this time at Phlius; but Hippa- led an army to meet them, Xanthus, the Boosus is named as the leading person who oppo- tian leader, proposed to decide the issue of the sed the demands of the Dorians, and endeav-war by single combat. Thymates shrank from oured to rouse his countrymen to resistance by urging the baseness of surrendering so fair an a passage of Pausanias (ui., 16, 6), where he mentious a inheritance without a struggle. But the great-descendant of Ctesippus (Diod., iv., 37), who reigned over er number were inclined to pacific views; the proposal of the invaders was accepted, and Hippasus, with his party, joined the Ionian emigrants who were embarking for Asia. According to one of the many traditions concerning the * Strabo, viii, p. 374. + Ephorus (in Strabo viii., p. 597) mentions Ageus and Deiphontes as conquerors of the Argolic acte-the peninsula including Trezen and Epidaurus-which, compared with Paus.. it.. 30, 10, seems to warrant the statement in the text, notwithstanding the slight variation in the name of A rius. This is, indeed, no more than a conjecture drawn from If for this unknown the Cleestoneans (KAεEGTWvaiwv). + Paus., ., 4, 3. Doridas and Hyanthras have been conjectured, with great probability, to be no more than per Compare the tribe of the Ilyata at Sicyon (Herod., v., 68), sonifications of the Dorian conquerors and their subjects. and the ancient names Hvantes and Hvanthis in Baotia and Ætolia (Steph. Βyz., Υαντες, Αιτωλία). # Schol. Pind., Nem, vi, 155, probably from Ephorus. Another legend (Schol. Pind., Ol., xin, 56) seems manifestly to have arisen out of the festival, the origin of which it professes to explain. Enoe (Conon, p. 39), or Celene (Schol. Aristoph., Acharn., 146). This the risk; but Melanthus, the Messenian king, | time only one, though probably the principal, who had been honourably received at Athens, among five little townships, which were indecame forward to accept the enemy's challenge. pendent of each other, and were not unfrequentBy a stratagem famous in after-ages, he divert-ly engaged in hostilities, which, however, were ed the attention of his adversary, and slew him so mitigated and regulated by local usage as as he turned to look at the ally whom Melan-to present rather the image than the reality thus affected to see behind him. The victor and the baneful effects of war. They were was rewarded with the kingdom which Thy- never allowed to interrupt the labours of the motes had forfeited by his pusillanimity, and husbandmen: the captive taken in these feuds which now passed forever from the house of was entertained as a guest in his enemy's house, Erechtheus. Melanthus transmitted it to his and, when his ransom was fixed, was dismissed son Codrus, who was still reigning, though far before it was paid. If he discharged his debt advanced in years, when some of the Dorian of honour, he became, under a peculiar name,* states, impelled by ambition, or pressed, it is the friend of his host: a breach of the compact said, by a general scarcity, the natural effect dishonoured him for life, both among the stranof long-protracted wars, united their forces for gers and his neighbours; a picture of society the invasion of Attica. Aletes was the chief which we could scarcely believe to have been mover of the expedition; but the Messenians, drawn from life, if it did not agree with other jealous of their old enemies, the Neleids, lent institutions which we find described upon the it active support. The Dorian army marched best authority as prevailing at the same period to Athens, and lay encamped under its walls. in other parts of Greece. Aletes had previously consulted the Delphic Though we reserve a general survey of the oracle, and had been assured of success, pro- Greek colonies for another place, we must here Vided he spared the life of the Athenian king. mention some which are connected in a pecuA friendly Delphian, named Cleomantis, dis- liar manner with the history of the Dorian conclosed the answer of the oracle to the Athe- quest. The first of these is that by which Æginians, and Codrus resolved to devote himself for na, hitherto the seat of an Eolian population, his country in a manner not unlike that which was transformed into a Dorian island. immortalized the name of the Decii. He went colony was led, by a chief named Triaco,† from out at the gate, disguised in a woodman's garb, Epidaurus, to which Ægina seemed to be asand, falling in with two Dorians, killed one with signed by its situation as a natural appendage, his bill, and was killed by the other. The Athe- though it attained to a much higher degree of nians now sent a herald to claim the body of their prosperity and power than the parent state. king, and the Dorian chiefs, deeming the war The number of the new settlers cannot have hopeless, withdrew their forces from Attica. been great, and they appear to have mingled on Such is the story which continued for centuries equal terms with the old inhabitants, though to warm the patriotism of the Athenians, and their influence was sufficient to introduce the which, therefore, as there is nothing improbable Dorian language, manners, and institutions.‡ in its general outlines, we feel loath to criticise, But the colonies which passed from the Pelothough we cannot answer for the truth of the ponnesus into Crete in the third generation after details. To some even this may seem to be the conquest are of still greater importance, confirmed by the fact mentioned by the orator because, though they may not have been the Lycurgus, that Cleomantis and his posterity first of the Dorian race which settled in the were honoured with the privilege of sharing the island, they appear to have contributed much entertainment provided in the Prytaneum at more than any previous migrations of the same Athens for the guests of the state. But we people, which, as we have seen, are not even scarcely know how the current tradition is to sufficiently ascertained to stamp Crete with be reconciled with another preserved by Pausa- the character which it retained to the end of nias: that a part of the Dorian army effected its history; and to them, therefore, the influtheir entrance by night within the walls, and, ence which it is commonly believed to have being surrounded by their enemies, took refuge exercised on the institutions and the destinies at the altars of the Eumenides on the Areopa- of the mother-country may, so far as it really gus, and were spared by the piety of the Athe-existed, be most justly ascribed. It is only to nians. If, however, either must be rejected as a fabrication, this has certainly the slightest claim to credit. But, though this expedition was defeated in its main object, it produced ane permanent and important result. The little territory of Megara was now finally separated from Attica, and occupied by a Dorian colony, which continued long closely united with Corinth as its parent city, or, rather, was held in a subjection which at length became too oppressive to be borne. Megara itself was at this + vii., 25, 2. Leocr., p. 158. 1 Pausanias (1.39. 4) says that Megaris was wrested fmm Atheus by the Dorians. But this is inconsistent with the fragments of Megurian tradition which he has preserved an this and the following chapters of his work, from which it would seem that the country was not subject even to an Attie prace for more than one re gu that of Nisus, s n of Pandion-and that it afterward fell under the power of m different dynasty. Hyperion, a son of Agamemnon, is said to have been the last king. be regretted that, though the fact itself is unquestionable, the sources of our information are so scanty and turbid as to leave our curiosity unsatisfied on some of the most interesting circumstances connected with it. Two principal expeditions are said to have proceeded from Peloponnesus to Crete, about the same time which chronologists fix for the beginning of the Ionian migration, sixty years after the Dorian invasion. One of these expeditions issued from Laconia, the other from Argolis. The Laconian colony is involved in great obscurity with regard to its leaders, and to the people of which it was chiefly composed. The Minyans from Imbros and Lemnos, whom Philonomus had planted at Amycle, are said to have revolted against the Dorians in the third pulevos, Plut., Qu. Gr., 17. + Tzetz. on Lyc, 176. * Paus., ii., 29, 5. generation, and, in consequence, to have mi- adventurers without employment; and those who did not find a settleinent in Megara were, for the most part, willing to share the fortunes of Althæmenes.* It is said that he was invited on the one hand by the Ionians, who were on the point of migrating to Asia; and on the other by Pollis and his Spartan followers, to unite his forces with theirs. But he rejected both proposals, that he might pursue the course marked out for him by an oracle, which had enjoined him to seek the land which should be granted to his prayers by Jupiter and by the Sun. Rhodes was the island of the Sun; the god of day had given it to his children when it first rose out of the waters: but Crete was the birthplace of Jupiter, and Althæmenes, to comply with the oracle, while he himself bent his course to Rhodes, left a part of his followers in Crete. Their conquests must have been considerable, for Ephorus spoke of Althæmenes as if he had been the sole founder of a Dorian colony in Crete. Yet we are not distinctly informed in what part of the island they established themselves. It may, however, be conjectured, from some traditions which cannot be more simply explained on any other supposition, that as the principal settlements of the Laconian adventurers lay towards the southeast, so those of the Argives were planted on the western side of the island. A legend, which it is scarcely possible to accept in its literal sense, referred the origin of several Cretan towns-among the rest, of one named Mycena -to Agamemnon, when, on his return from Troy, he was forced by a tempest to land in Crete.t If we might suppose that this legend sprang out of the colonies of Althæmenes, it would direct us to the neighbourhood of the ancient town of Cydonia, as the quarter in which they were planted; and there are traces which seem to mark that Cydonia itself had received a part of its population from Argos. Polyrrhenia, on the western coast, near which Agamemnon was said to have raised an altar, was first fortified by Achæan and Laconian colonists. As we here find Laconians in the west, it seems not improbable that the town of Phæstus, in the eastern quarter of the island, may have been founded by the people of Althæmenes, though it lay in the neighbourhood of Gortyne, and though the Heracleid Phæstus, from whom its name was derived, was subsequently believed to have passed over from Sicyon to Crete before the Dorian conquest of Peloponnesus.|| grated anew from Laconia to Crete, accompanied, however, by some Spartans, and under the command of two chiefs named Pollis and Delphus.* In their passage they left a portion of their body in the Isle of Melos, which dated its unfortunate connexion with Sparta from this epoch. The rest occupied Gortyna (an inland town, but on the south side of the island) without any resistance from the Cretans of the surrounding district, who became their subjects. Another relation of the same events gives a somewhat fuller account of the issue of the expedition, but introduces different actors. The Lacedæmonians, Pollis, and his brother Crataidas, are here named as the chiefs; but the people whom they lead from Amycle are not Minyans, but their enemies and conquerors, the Pelasgians. They are said to have defeated the natives in several battles, and to have made themselves masters of Lyctus (an inland town, not very far from Gortyna), and of other cities.† The substitution of the Pelasgians for the Minyans in this form of the narrative may, perhaps, be safely considered as an error, arising from a confusion of the stories told of them by Herodotus, though it is said that the legend in this shape was so current at Lyctus itself, that the Lyctians held themselves to be kinsmen of the Athenians by the side of their mothers, because the Pelasgians had carried off Athenian women to Lemnos. A greater difficulty may, at first sight, seem to arise from the part which the Spartans are described as taking in the enterprise of the Minyans, with whom, according to all accounts, their intercourse was by no means friendly, at least during the latter part of the sojourn which these strangers made in Laconia. If it were necessary to resort to conjecture for an explanation of the fact, we might, perhaps probably enough, suppose the occasion to have arisen from that state of disorder and discord which all writers represent to have prevailed at Sparta for many generations after the conquest, and which seems, likewise, to have given rise to the expedition of Theras. The ruling Spartans were undoubtedly no less willing to rid themselves of the restless and ambitious spirits among their own citizens than of their enemies, whether Minyans or Achæans, who were desirous of migrating to foreign lands. Hence such an expedition, though the bands which embarked in it were chiefly composed of strangers, might be made under the sanction of Sparta; and the colonies which it planted would regard her as their parent, and be open to all the influence of the Dorian character and institutions. The history of the other expedition, though not fuller, is less perplexed by contradictory statements. The domestic feuds which agitated the family of Temenus are said to have continued in the third generation. Althæmenes, the youngest son of Ceisus, at variance with his brothers, resolved on seeking a new home. It was at the time when the failure of the enterprise of the Dorians against Attica left many * Conon, 36. The name of Delphus seems to have arisen out of an error of the transcribers (for adcλøds), if it is not a personification, which often occurs, of the oracle which directed the enterprise, + Plut. de Mul. Virt., Tuppývides. The scantiness of these accounts, which is not surprising when we consider the period to which they relate, is no reason for questioning the importance of the Peloponnesian colonies in Crete. The numbers, indeed, of the Dorians who took part in them, appears to have been very small, compared with the extent of the island; and their whole force was probably slender. But the state in which they found the country seems to have favoured their underta * Couon, 47; Eustath. on 11., p. 313, where Alth. is said to have been driven out of Argos. It is nowhere distinctly stated that he shared the expedition against Attica, though this has sometimes been inferred from the words of Strabo, XIV., p. 653. ↑ Vell Patere, 1., 1. There was, it seems, a Hyllean tribe both at Argos and Cydonia (Steph. Byz, aud Hesych). This, however, strictly proves nothing more than that Cydonia had received some Dorian mhabitants. Strabo, x., p. 479. Paus., ii, 5, 7, and Steph. Byz., Valoros ress : however, this is rejected, the question which divided the ancients as to the relative antiquity of the Cretan and the Spartan systems falls to the ground of itself, as will be more clearly seen when we come to consider the legislation of Lycurgus. The institutions which we shall shortly have to describe under that head are so similar to those of Crete, that it will be sufficient here to give a brief outline of the latter. The inhabitants were divided into three ranks, slaves, freemen, and an intermediate class, removed at a nearly equal distance from the degradation of the one and the privileges of the other. This class was undoubtedly composed chiefly of the old possessors of the land, who had submitted without a struggle to the superior force of the conquerors. The name by which they were distinguished marked their condition-that of a rural population dwelling in open towns or villages-in contrast with the citizens, who resided in the capital of each territory. Their lands were subjected to a peculiar tax or tribute,† from which those of the upper class were exempt, but their persons were free and their king, and to have enabled them first to gain a firm footing, and then to make a steady progThe Iliad describes Crete as containing a hundred cities; but the Odyssey reduces that number to ninety; and some of the ancients endeavoured to explain the difference by supposing that ten cities had been lost through intestine feuds after the Trojan war: others believed that ten new ones had been founded between that event and the poet's time, and Ephorus named Althæmenes as the founder. This is, no doubt, an arbitrary fiction; but a Cretan tradition, apparently quite unconnected with these attempts at reconciling the two Homeric poems, spoke of the whole island having been wasted by plague and famine after the Trojan war, and having been left almost desolate, till its population was replenished by the new race which finally retained possession of it. One point, at least, appears to be indisputably proved by the condition in which Crete is exhibited to us by the earliest accounts of its subsequent history that the Dorian settlers found it divided among a number of independent states, kept asunder by the difference of their origin, and, perhaps, by mutual animosity, and sep-industry unrestricted, an advantage which went arately unable to resist the invaders. Yet here, still more than in Peloponnesus, the conquest must have been gradual, and it must have been long before the Dorians had spread over the whole island, if no part of it was before inhabited by a kindred race. With respect to this question, it is remarkable that none of the traditions preserved to us concerning the Argive and Laconian colonies make any mention of Cnossus, the ancient seat of Minos; or of any Dorians previously settled in the island. The renown of Cnossus was transferred to Gortyna and Lyctus, and it was in the latter city that Lycurgus was believed to have studied the institutions which he transplanted to Sparta. Those of the ancients who contended that the Cretan institutions were derived from Sparta, built their chief argument on the fact that Lyc-respect to the origin of their servitude, may be tus was her colony, and, therefore, might naturally borrow from the mother city. On the other hand, those who believed that the Spartan lawgiver had copied the model which he found at Lyctus, still held Minos to have been its original author. We have already observed that this opinion might easily have arisen out of the ambition of the Cretan Dorians to appropriate the fame of Minos to themselves, and to hallow their own usages by his revered name. But it may also not have been entirely destitute of a real foundation, and may only have been erroneous in extending to the whole system what was true of no more than a few of its parts, in which vestiges might undoubtedly be preserved of a more ancient polity. But, that the social fabric, which struck the ancients by its close resemblance to that of Sparta, and which they concluded must have been either its archetype or its copy, was already standing in Crete in the period of Minos, is an opinion which requires much stronger evidence to support it. When, far to counterbalance all the burdens imposed. upon them, and even the privileges from which they were excluded. These were not only the proper functions of the citizen, those connected with the enactment of laws, the administration of justice, and the government of the state, but also the use of arms, such as the citizen reserved for himself, and the exercises by which he was trained to them in the public schools.‡ The bow appears to have been the ordinary weapon of this class, which in all ages supplied the Grecian armies with their best archers.. They were allowed to retain such of their ancient national usages as did not interfere with their dependance on their conquerors; and, on the whole, there is no reason to think that their condition was oppressive. The slaves, with probably divided into two classes, one consisting of those who were already such at the time of the conquest, the other of freemen taken with arms in their hands, who purchased their lives by the sacrifice of their liberty. With respect to their situation, such as it continued in after times, they were distinguished by peculiar names, which expressed the relations in which they stood either to individuals or to the state. Besides the lands which were left in the possession of their ancient owners, subject to tribute, and those which were occupied by the citizens, each state appears to have reserved a domain for itself, which it cultivated by the hands of public slaves, who constituted a separate body, called a mnoa, and who, probably, likewise performed various services of a public nature within the city. Those who tilled the portions of ground allotted to the individual freemen were designated by a different title, de Περίοικοι. Its amount is uncertain, unless it was the stater, which the slaves, as they are, perhaps, improperly called, had to pay towards the public meals. Dosiades in A., P. 113. i Anst, l'ol., ., 5 Aristotle, indeed. is here speaking of the slaves (doviç), but he manifestly uses this as a general term to describe all who were not citizens. 4 μιῶν, μνοία, μνωνα, οτ Μινωία σύνοδος, as it is called by Strabo, xi.. p. 542. The name, however, is more prob ably connected with the word dus than with Minos. rived from their peculiar condition.* Slaves number; the first in rank, the protocosmus, gave of this and the former class might be sold, but not to be carried out of the country. A third class, which was probably by far the least numerous, and exclusively employed in menial labours, was purchased, as their name imported, from abroad. It might therefore appear that these ought to be discriminated from the former classes, as slaves from serfs. The ancient authors, however, place them all on the same footing, and do not indicate any difference in the manner of treating them, unless it be by the custom which prevailed at Cydonia, and perhaps in other cities, where the serfs enjoyed certain holydays, during which we are told that they were left in possession of the town, and might even drive out their masters, if they would not wait at their table, with the whip, a perhaps exaggerated description of the Cretan Saturnalia.‡ his name to the year. This title seems to have been chosen with reference to the most important of their functions, that of commanding in war. They also represented the state in its intercourse with foreigners, and held or conducted all deliberations relating to its general interests. They were elected by the whole body of the citizens, but out of a certain nuinber of privileged houses or families; Aristotle s censure implies that, in his day at least, little attention was paid to any qualities of intrinsic worth. They held their office for a year, at the end of which those who had approved themselves worthy of their station might aspire to fill up the vacancies which occurred in the council or senate. The senate, or council of elders, bore the same name by which bodies exercising similar functions are described in the Homeric poems. But its number was fixed, as ArisThe contrast between the lot of the slave totle seems to intimate, to thirty; it was unand the Dorian freeman is strongly marked by questionably not indefinite. They were elected the language of a Cretan drinking song. "My by the people from the most deserving of those great wealth is my spear, my sword, and my who had filled the supreme magistracy, and they stout buckler, my faithful guard: with this I retained their office for life. They were the plough, with this I reap, with this I press the councillors of the ten chief magistrates, adminsweet juice of the vine: this is my title to be istered the internal affairs of the state, and master of the minoa. They who dare not grasp watched over its tranquillity and order. They the spear, or the sword, or the faithful buckler, were also judges, it would seem, as we hear of fall prostrate at my feet, and adore me as their no distinction, both in civil and criminal causes; lord, and salute me as the great king." To be subject, it is said, to no responsibility, which, free from all labour, save warlike exercises, to perhaps, may only mean that their judgments live upon the toil of his subjects and slaves, to could not be reversed, and their judicial power know no care but the defence of his station, was not limited by any written law. It cannot, was the glory and happiness of the citizen; and however, be supposed that they were independto secure to him the enjoyment of these priv-ent of all rule and usage, or that they could ileges was the main object of all the institu- with impunity disregard principles hallowed by tions of the state. public opinion. We could wish to know whenThe forms of government established in the er their jurisdiction extended over the subject Dorian colonies in Crete so closely resembled and servile classes; but on this, as on niany each other, that we find one only described as other interesting questions relating to them, the ommon to all; a uniformity which shows ancients have not satisfied our curiosity hat they sprang naturally out of the character has been said shows that the Cretan Constituof the age and the people, and were not the re- tion was strictly aristocratical, like those which sult of accident or design. In fact, they follow prevailed throughout Greece in the heroic ages. very closely the model exhibited in the Homer- This appears still more clearly when we conic poems, presenting only one material devia-sider the station occupied by the assembly of tion, and perhaps defining more precisely some the people in the Cretan system. The people, points which, in the heroic states, appear to it must be remembered, are here the conquerhave been left undetermined. The royal digni- ing nation, the Dorians, and their fellow-adventy seems never to have been known in any of turers. Among these we have seen that certhese colonies; none of their leaders, perhaps, tain families-perhaps those of the pure Dorian were of sufficient eminence to assume it; when blood-were distinguished from the rest, and Aristotle observes that it once existed in Crete, exclusively entitled to all the honours of the he had, most probably, the age of Minos in his state. The remainder formed a commonalty, view. In the earliest period to which our in- which, however, was itself inconsiderable in formation goes back, we find the place of the number, compared with the subject population. kings occupied by magistrates, who bore the It might be assembled by the magistrates whenpeculiar title of cosmus. They were ten in ever they had any measures to lay before it. But the individual members were not allowed * ἀφαμιῶται οι κλαρῶται, from the ἀφαμιας στ κλῆροι, par- only pronounce upon them as a body. It is to discuss these measures; the assembly could + xpuownTol. As in most other Greek states all the even extremely doubtful whether it had the slaves were acquired in this manner, this epithet would power of rejecting them, and was not summonhere have been superfluous; in Crete it marked an excep-ed simply to receive and sanction the decrees ion to the general rule. cels of laud. Ephorus in Athen., vi., p. 263, compared with Carysius Athen., xiv., p. 639. This Scolion of Hybrias has been separately edited and illustr by Graefenhau, Mulhuse, 1833. A king of the Cretan town of Axus is mentioned by Herodotus (iv., p. 154) as grandfather of the founder of Cyrene, according to the Cyrenean tradition. But it is not certain what office may have been described by that name. It may have been substituted for the genuine Cretan title. What of its rulers. This may seem, indeed, to imply a power of withholding its assent; but, so long as habit retained its sway, this alternative was perhaps never thought of. The common freemen in the heroic states appear to have enjoyed no higher privileges. * Γερωσία, βουλή. |