as merely temporal in their motives, but as originating, or, at least supported and enforced by the professed religious principle, the most beneficial of all principles when well directed, and the most dangerous when otherwise. On this subject it may not be improper to make a few observations, which may lead to the ascertainment of the true origin of the power and policy, and of the most distinguishing religious tenets of the church of Rome.

Whoever (and of whatever religious denomination he may be) undertakes to convert others to the principles of his religious persuasion, or to instruct those who have already embraced them, will necessarily be zealous in the endeavour, in proportion to the sincerity of his belief of their truth, and their necessity to salvation, and in proportion to the natural temperament of the man, if the motive be purely religious. If it be purely a political motive, his zeal will be in proportion to the political expediency, and the natural temperament; whether the expediency be the temporal advantage of the individual solely, or the individual share of the temporal advantage of a political society. Of these motives, the latter, though it may subsist purely as such in a few individuals, can never be that which will originally unite and consolidate an association, because that expediency is in itself a principle of discordance from the moment (whenever it be) that the general security will permit the individual advantage to be separately considered. The religious motive, purely such, is, on the contrary, the strongest and most lasting bond of union, the most decisive in determining the modes of action, and

the most powerful stimulant to exertion; because the interest it proposes, and the obligation believed to be enforced by it, are as immensity to an atom, when considered as in comparison with the whole combination and sum of every other. Moreover, as the very ground and origin of this motive is a thorough and firm belief of the reality of such infinite interest, and paramount obligation; without such belief, or the means of introducing and confirming it, the political motive, as an original one, is totally inefficient. But, on the other hand, where the belief exists previously, there the political motive may work with it, as the most potent engine to guide and direct the public mind to the amplification of influence, and the establishment and consolidation of authority. That a popular persuasion of any kind may by policy be made to produce great effects is true; but the political effect will neither be equable nor permanent, unless the persuasion itself be founded on principles that are so. It is for this reason that the influence of the enthusiasm of popular leaders has seldom produced lasting effects, and is not in itself capable of being continued beyond the time of their credit. Attached to the person, or his success, with either it falls away. But, on the other hand, where it is fixed by a general principle in the people; and where the power resides, not in an individual solely, but in a political body, essentially, with an efficient head; when it has been once established, then the stronger and the more intimate the connecting principle, and the more decisive and extensive its efficiency, the more permanent will be its duration. The power of Alexander termi

nated its career with himself, and was broken into subdivisions which preyed upon each other, and finally fell under the superior policy of the Romans. If that acquired by Julius Cæsar was of longer duration under the Emperors, it was because the habitual policy of the senate, and the influence of its authority on the public mind, could not be easily eradicated; though its power of efficient and immediate control was annihilated by the Emperors. The power of the senate was, on the contrary, unshaken whilst Rome had an enemy to fear; and would probably have so continued much longer, had not the Romans, in their rage for conquest, by creating perpetual Dictators, and granting the consulate successively to the same Generals, transferred the allegiance of the armies from the senate to the Generals. The policy of the senate was the combined result of the experience of men grown grey in active employment, in embassies and in warfare abroad, and in political discussion and situations of responsibility at home. It was consolidated by that necessity of self-defence, which the original spirit of depredation imposed upon them; and their success, by which alone they could hope to exist as a nation, as necessarily kept it alive in its full vigour (suffering no other principle to detract from its effect), under the name of patriotism, To defend their plunder, and their country, was the same; and the most subtle artifice and profligate conquest their highest policy. Secure of the general feeling of the people, the senate directed it with profound skill and address; and, whilst it preserved its own power, destroyed that of every nation within its reach. When that was done,

and Rome had no rival to fear, having no determined regular head, it has necessarily preyed upon itself, and became subject to the first whose influence with the army would enable him to seize upon the whole of its authority, and become absolute. But, however the form of governments may change, it is to be seen that the original principles, by which any nation was established, will in some degree remain through every succeeding form, and be at least a prominent characteristic feature. Maxims of jurisprudence, and popular opinions, traditions, and prejudices, are not to be obliterated, till the nation, on which they have at an early period been impressed, is blended and confounded with others. They may be modified, but this seems to be the utmost. This has been the case with the Saxon laws in England, notwithstanding the Norman Conquest; and with the civil law in France, notwithstanding the Revolution. In Rome, the refined policy and the religious ideas of ancient Rome have in a similar manner descended even to the present age. In each of these respects*, it was, and is not, and yet is.

When its military power was destroyed, and it no longer able to subdue by arms, the influence of Christianity was made subservient to the acquisition of a power, of a different kind indeed, but no less real, as a source of wealth, aggrandisement, and of dominion, over every temporal power. To this end nothing could contribute more effectually than that the clergy of all Christian churches should consider

* Revelations, chap. 17. ver. 8.

the Bishop of the imperial city as their spiritual head; in like manner as the Emperor was temporal head of his dominions. The place of his residence furnished an analogy, readily conceived, and not difficult to impress; especially by the aid of a substitution of the unity of the government of the church, for the unity of its doctrines. The ignorance of the converted barbarians was not likely to distinguish much between them, neither did they do so.

The authority of the Pope being thus asserted, and propped by texts of Scripture, which ignorance only could receive as authorizing it, the system of monastic institutions offered the means of fixing a spiritual legion in every district, that should be ever on the alert, and totally devoted to the one interest of Rome, preserve a continued chain of communication with the head, and a constant submission within its range; and they yielded not to their legionary predecessors in perseverance or success. They laid Europe in bonds at the footstool of the Pontiff.

When to these means was added that of the clergy being the sole depositaries of the Scriptures, (which, if read by the laity, would soon have discovered how weak and unfounded were the pretensions of the See of Rome to such a power, and how erroneous most of its peculiar doctrines, as the people at large soon did at the time of the Reformation,) the depth and extent of its policy could require nothing more than actual force to give it all that policy can give.

But personally to employ actual force was an inconsistency with the ecclesiastical character, too glaring for general adoption; and therefore the exe