LOST OR STOLEN.

Annual card No. 805, Cert. 869, Div. 88, for year 1920.

Card No. 24190, Cert. 181, Div. 43, for term ending June 30, 1920.

Card No. 21253, Cert. 1756, Div. 53, for term ending June 30, 1920.

Card No. 10468, Cert. 41, Div. 18, for term ending June 30, 1920.

Annual card No. 227, Cert. 567, Div. 59, for year 1920.

Annual card No. 2293, Cert. 2695, Div. 59, for year 1920.

Card No. 1650, Cert. 3026, Div. 130, for term ending June 30, 1920.

Annual card No. 654, Cert. 289, Div. 70, for year 1920.

Card No. 2796, Cert. 1492, Div. 70, for term ending June 30, 1920.

Card No. 3537, Cert. 734, Div. 22, for term ending June 30, 1920.

Card No. 3219, Cert. 116, Div. 59, for term ending June 30, 1920.

Annual card No. 4968, Cert. 20, Div. 75, for year 1920.

Annual card No. 1459, Cert. 245, Div. 53, for year 1920.

Annual card No. 2999, Cert. 98, Div. 13, for year 1920.

Card No. 26144, Cert. 210, Div. 57, for term ending June 30, 1920.

Annual card No. 3649, Cert. 847, Div. 43, for year 1920.

Annual card No. 1165, Cert. 1081, Div. 70, for year 1920.

Card No. 21676, Cert. 110, Div. 61, for term ending June 30, 1920.

Card No. 23167, Cert. 167, Div. 7, for term ending June 30, 1920.

PRACTICE CO-OPERATION.

(By Kate E. Carr, President)

The story is told of a lady, who, while walking in a residence district, was very much amazed to see a number of puppies cuddled together in the snow. After watching them for a moment she exclaimed to a newsboy who was passing her, "What a wonderful demonstration of true brotherly love." "Brotherly love nothing," replied the newsy. "That's ar example of simple dogsense. They're huddled together to keep from freezing to death."

The average workingman would consider himself very much insulted were he to be advised that the status of his intelligence regarding his relations with his fellow workers was not above that of an ordinary puppy. He would no doubt attempt to prove his superior quality of gray matter by lauding the accomplishments of his brothers and sisters in the professional, the commercial and in the industrial lines of endeavor. And a few moments later having forgotten the incident he would commence a lengthy speech embracing a number of popular subjects. such as "The impossible conditions caused by the H. C. L., ludicrous legislators, and our topsy turvy methods of production and distribution."

After it was all over and the audience had applauded in the prevailing and expected manner, and you the average in dividual quietly catalogued the different ideas expressed with their relative relationship, you would perhaps suddenly become aware that there was evidence of a deficit existing in the account of Mr. Workingman's industrial life.

And that deficit is "co-operation." A something that is not listed in the "for sale" columns of your trade journals, yet

is free to be used anywhere, at all times. Even the puppies knew its value-all used it in a time of need. The associated industries are making every use of its possibilities. But the average workingman praises its power for an hour and then unconsciously uses the remainder of the day to retard its progress in the various organizations of his fellow workers.

We preach collective bargaining, but buy our groceries individually from the Grocers' Association. We organize our skill to make furniture and one at a time we buy our tables from the furniture trust. We give a dollar toward a strike benefit fund then give twelve dollars for a pair of shoes made in an open shop. In order to save prisoners from various atrocities, we implore our Prison Boards to take industries out of prisons, but continue to sweep our floors with prisonmade brooms and ease our feet in prisonmade slippers. We wail because there is an absence of authentic labor news in the daily press, and back our kick by subscribing for an Associated Press sheet for a year in advance. We spend hours of our time getting helpful labor bills before our legislators, and then vote for men who will vote against those bills.

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It would seem that before we can put the ethics of co-operation, as they should be, into working order for workers it will be necessary to stop practicing inconsistency, and the first step in that line in the average family is for the "one" member of that family to stop trying to study and practice the thousand details of the program which affect every other member of his family..

In other words, commence to practice co-operation in your own home. The aver age workingman has not the time required to work eight hours in an office. study co-operative literature, start a col

lective buying club in his community, memorize open shop and prison labels, look up the past and present records of candidates for political offices, nor inquire where the "would-be" legislators stand on current labor questions. But he can handle this program effectively and become a progressive unionist by using tact and co-operating with the other members of his family in working out the details.

Let the union man's wife become a student of the co-operative movement. Tell the children the merits of the union label and encourage them to start a label collection. Introduce labels into some simple, enjoyable games. Let's have "union" families, instead of a few overworked union men.

TO ORGANIZED WOMEN AND ADVOCATES OF EQUAL RIGHTS.

Do you realize a bill is about to receive consideration at Albany, N. Y., which, if it becomes a law, will make illegal the employment of any woman for a longer period in each day than eight hours?

I refer to the Donohue Bill. It means that thousands of women workers who are at present occupying position where it is absolutely necessary to remain on duty longer than eight hours, will be forced, if this bill becomes a law, to readjust their hours, lose the overtime which means at the present high cost of living, all the difference between a bare existence, which honor and no debts and the tragedy of debt to many, a woman who is the sole bread-winner of a family, and perhaps loss of position where such adjustment cannot be satisfactorily made. means a step backward in the progress

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which women the world over have struggled for, in establishing equal opportunity for women in labor.

It discriminates solely on account of sex, on account of posterity-a splendid reason, but failing to take into consideration the infants already here, and depending absolutely on these same workers for a right to live and grow and be safeguarded in their development into useful citizens, by detracting from the earning power and equal opportunity to the mother.

It makes no discrimination between the future mothers and the mother who has already reached the stage of middle age; whose responsibility in educating her family is at its highest point in expense, and who is trying to finish off creditably the labors she undertook in raising and giving to the world her sons and daughters.

It aims at all women workers of the state of New York, regardless of conditions of employment, whether married or single, young or middle-aged, widowed or divorced, or co-workers with their husbands.

It is a serious thing to the woman struggling alone and trying to maintain a home and support a family, and every woman whose livelihood is menaced by this well-meaning, but entirely too broad proposed legislation, as well as all friends of a square deal for women, and all citizens who feel that the rights of women are being discriminated against in this bill-should write immediately to their representatives in Assembly or Senate and protest against the passage of the "Donohue Bill."

MRS. LILLIAN WHILDEN,
Cert. 596, Div. 44.

LABOR'S INFLUENCE.

The "Good Stuff" published in the journal for some time past has encouraged me to write the following:

The Telegrapher carries a political editorial urging the folks to vote for Labor's friends. This I am glad to state is a step in the right direction.

We are now in a position to sway to a large extent the electoral current, and to waste our strength in political division is, to my mind, little short of suicidal.

What we need and must have is not "nonpartisan politics," but strictly partisan Labor politics. And when we stop to consider the fact that Labor is at least 85 per cent of the people of the country, then we can readily see that the above is not so very radical as at first glance appears.

The first fault of Non-partisan politics is that Labor has no share in the convention nominations of the major political parties, primaries notwithstanding.

Its second fault is that Labor has very little share if any in defraying the campaign expenses of the so-called Non-partisans, I do not mean the League of that name.

Whoever defrays the expenses of the campaign has a prior claim upon the offi cial elected. And it is a notorious fact that only those who have a special interest in an election defray the expenses. It stands to reason, if the C. & N. W. pays my salary I have no interest in serving the C., B. & Q. If John Smith pays the expenses of any undertaking, it surely is not for the benefit of his competitor. That also is the case politically.

I believe we have outgrown the haphazard, non-partisan, vote for the best man, theory. Labor has too much at stake

to follow outworn creeds and methods. We must stand for Labor, under our own banner, united-solid.

The powers of greed and pillage chortle with glee when we stick to the old rut. Because to them it means division in our ranks. And it is only when we are di vided that they can rule.

The same conditions to a lesser degree obtains upon the industrial field. We are sadly divided into sharp alignments. On the railroads we are plagued with a multiplicity of unions, with very little power as individual units. We are used one against the other to the detriment of all the units, and of all of the individuals that form the several units.

We are still in the patch and repair game politically when, what is needed, and the time is ripe for, is a major ballot box operation by Surgeon Labor. And, of great importance industrially is the need for united action. Craft action lost its power when capital became national and international.

We are a number of pygmies facing a giant octopus, and so long as we disregard this truth we will never even equal the strength and reach of this octopus. A moment's reflection will convince any. one, or should, that our united strength can greatly overtop the power and resource of the exceedingly small minority, who by virtue of control of the wealth of the world, have inflated themselves to octopus size.

Anyone well informed, historically, and contemporaneously, can see that our time to wrest political and industrial lib all erty, with its benefits, economic and social, and political, has arrived. Either we take advantage of this oppor

tunity now, or we must prepare for another dark age of a thousand years.

The Roman Emperors successfully hindered the barbarian invasion, only by as much as they created division among them.

The Oligarchy of the present day can successfully rule, only, by-as much as they keep us, or we stand divided.

I may, without levity, say, that it is either Unity or Bust.

CERT. 1019, Div. 76.

THE TRUTH OF FEDERAL CONTROL.

Before this article apears in the Journal the President will have signed the Esch Bill, and the railroads will have been returned to their private owners and managers, under the provisions of this bill, for a new lease on life. The Railroad Brotherhoods must not become discouraged or disconcerted in the face of the reverse they have just experienced at the hands of Congress in their efforts to bring about a new order of things in the transportation business of this country. There is a reason for the present situation! In a word,. the reason is a lack of knowledge on the part of the peo ple regarding the real facts of "govern. ment control" as it obtained the last two years. Notwithstanding the fact that dur. ing the first eight months of 1918 the railroad managers generally were completely discredited in the eyes of the public, and were in utter rout, and themselves believed that "the jig was up" so far as they were concerned, because of a lack of well-defined program and concerted effort for its accomplishment at the psychological time, on the part of the Railroad Brotherhoods in association with friends of real Government Ownership and Operation, these same managers (notwithstanding the fact that most of them were Federal officers in the United States Railroad Administration) were able to reor ganize their forces, and by means of a "defeatist policy" on the one hand, and an insidious propaganda on the other, to in turn completely discredit "government control," "government operation," and "government ownership" as

the

rank

heresy, so that for the past year the dominating sentiment with the "business interests" has been for private ownership and operation of railroads.

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The writer of this article insists that there has never been any real attemept at "government control" or "government operation" of railroads in this country. thinkers Even such Senator La Follette and Charles Edward Russell have failed to recognize this fact in all its tremendous import. I read Senator La Follette's speech on the railroad bill with great eagerness, hoping that surely he would reveal what has actually taken place these past two years of so-called government control, but he failed to touch upon this vital truth. It should be thor. oughly established with the people of this country that the United States Railroad Administration was not an operating organization in any real sense of that word. Further, it should be established with the people that the operating organizations of the railroad corporations were not disturbed to any perceptible extent wher they passed under control of the U. S. R. R. A. The same operating officials managed and operated the railroads under "government control" who managed and operated the roads prior thereto. United States Railroad Administration was an executive organization and not an operating organization. It was designed to be a "super-organization" or "fountain head of authority," to which the operating organization of each individual railroad would be subordinate in point of supreme authority or powers, in the general scheme for co-ordinated effort that was conceived at that time, for the winning of the war! As a secondary consideration it had a program of general economies to be gradually introduced, which were calculated to put government control on a paying basis.

The

From June, 1918, until the armistice was signed, November 11, 1918, considerable strides were made by the Director General and his organization, the U. S. R. R. A., in the introduction of these economies--effecting certain consolidations of facilities-pooling rolling stock; short routing of freight, etc., with the belief