1859 to 1889. IN WHICH THE HISTORY OF THE ATTEMPTS TO FORM ORGANIZATIONS OF AND ECONOMIC QUESTIONS 18 TRACED. The National Labor Union of 1866, The Industrial Brotherhood of 1874, AND AND THE ORDER TO KNIGHTS OF LABOR OF AMERICA THE WORLD. OF THE CHIEF AND MOST IMPORTANT PRINCIPLES IN THE PREAMBLE OF THE Illustrated with Portrait of Author and Choicest Gems of Art. BY T. V. POWDERLY. SOLD ONLY BY SUBSCRIPTION. COLUMBUS, OHIO: EXCELSIOR PUBLISHING HOUSE. PREFACE. THREE years ago it was suggested to the author that he write a book on the labor question. The stirring events of that year, in labor circles, attracted the attention of all classes toward the labor problem, and for the first time in the history of America did the industrial question assume such proportions as to become the theme of conversation in public and private. Taken up with the affairs of the organization of the Knights of Labor, the author could not, in justice to the charge entrusted to his keeping, devote the necessary time to the compiling of the work required of him. During the hours which have flown since 1886, the material has been gathered on which the following pages have been written, and although the time in which the work was done was stolen, here and there, as occasion presented itself to the author, the subjects treated in these chapters have had his earnest attention for the last fifteen years. Within the period of three years many books have been written on the labor question by men. who were interested in the subject. Any one of them would win a place for itself on the shelves of any library under the name of its author, but sev eral of them were published and advertised in such a way as to create the impression that the author of Thirty Years of Labor was either associate author or in some way concerned in their publication. This is the first and only book that has been written by the undersigned; it is the only one in which he is or was interested, directly or otherwise. He does not make this statement for the purpose of detracting from the merits of other works on the subject, but merely to state a fact in connection with his name, which has been made use of for advertising purposes; he would advise all to read these books, for they deal with times and subjects which he does not touch upon in these pages. The necessity for organization among producers becomes clearly discernible when one takes note of the tendencies toward centralization of power in the hands of those who control the wealth of the country. Combinations, monopolies, trusts, and pools, make it easy for a few to absorb the earnings of the workers, and limit their earnings to the lowest sum on which they can sustain life. Combination, in America, is heartless in the extreme, and has reached a point where it hesitates about going still farther only through the fear of crowding the poor to a condition "where the brute takes the place of the man." And yet these combinations and pools are educators; they are teaching the American people that if a few men may successfully corner the results of labor, and the wealth to purchase them, there is no just reason why the many may not do so for the benefit of all, through agents of their own selection. Natural opportunities are being controlled, monopolized and dwarfed by artificial means; production is limited because consumption is checked through poverty. To free the earth and its treasures, and allow man to have free access to his natural rights is the aim of organization to-day Bitter was the opposition shown to governmental control of corporations a few years ago; to-day that opposition is insignificant in comparison with what it was even five years ago. This result is due to the marching and counter-marching of the Knights of Labor, Farmers Alliances, Patrons of Husbandry, and kindred organizations. The organization of labor means far more in 1889 than it even shadowed in 1859; then the supplication was: "Give us an advance in wages and shorter hours of toil, and we will be content with our stay on earth." To-day the demand is: "Give us the earth and all that it can produce, for to no man, or set of men, belongs the right to monopolize it or its products. We do not mean to deprive any man of his natural rights to the soil, but we do intend to oblige every man to render an equivalent for that which he receives by establishing an equitable standard of taxation." As to the manner in which these pages have been written, it becomes the author to say but little. He is painfully conscious that they contain numerous imperfections, that they will not be regarded with favor by many, and that others will be disap |