One of the most encouraging recent developments to me is the growing influence of the House of Representatives in foreign policy matters. Mr. Chairman, at this point in the record I would like to place the names of the members who have introduced the resolution and indicated support for it. Chairman MORGAN. Without objection, it is so ordered. REPUBLICAN MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WHO HAVE INTRO- Anderson, John B., Illinois Griffin, Robert P. (appointed to Senate), Halpern, Seymour, New York Kunkel, John C., Pennslyvania Kupferman, Theodore R., New York Lipscomb, Glenard P., California DEMOCRATIC MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WHO HAVE INTRODUCED A RESOLUTION TO ESTABLISH AN ATLANTIC UNION DELEGATION Ashley, Thomas L., Ohio Boland, Edward P., Massachusetts Brown, George E., Jr., California Callan, Clair, Nebraska Carey, Hugh L., New York Casey, Bob, Texas Corman, James C., California Holland, Elmer J., Pennsylvania Irwin, Donald J., Connecticut Leggett, Robert L., California McCarthy, Richard D., New York Macdonald, Torbert H., Massachusetts Moss, John E., California Multer, Abraham J., New York Rees, Thomas M., California Scott, Ralph J., North Carolina Thompson, Frank, Jr., New Jersey Wright, Jim, Texas Karth, Joseph E., Minnesota Zablocki, Clement J., Wisconsin REPUBLICAN MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WHO WILL SUP PORT A RESOLUTION TO ESTABLISH AN ATLANTIC UNION DELEGATION DEMOCRATIC MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WHO WILL SUPPORT A RESOLUTION TO ESTABLISH AN ATLANTIC UNION DELEGATION King, Cecil, California Machen, Hervey G., Maryland Barrett, William A., Pennsylvania Friedel, Samuel N., Maryland Hamilton, Lee H., Indiana Hanna, Richard T., California Wilson, Charles H., California Mackay, James A., Georgia. REPUBLICAN MEMBERS OF THE U.S. SENATE WHO HAVE COSPONSORED A RESOLUTION TO ESTABLISH AN ATLANTIC UNION DELEGATION Carlson, Frank, Kansas Fong, Hiram L., Hawaii Javits, Jacob K., New York Prouty, Winston L., Vermont DEMOCRATIC MEMBERS OF THE U.S. SENATE WHO HAVE COSPONSORed a Mr. FINDLEY. In my view this committee is taking an historic step. This resolution I believe to be the most specific, and therefore the most hopeful, ever introduced in Congress looking toward the eventual union of the Western World. I am not alone in viewing it as historic. On October 27, 1965, shortly after this resolution was first introduced, the distinguished French newspaper Le Monde-universally recognized as one of the world's greatest--commented editorially on the work of the 1st session of the 89th Congress. I would like to read a significant part of that editorial which appeared in Le Monde. Referring to the chairman of this committee, the editorial says: Under his direction "public hearings" will be held on the resolution. The sponsors of this "super-federalist" bill believe it has some chance of reaching the floor, and even of gaining a majority vote. This is perhaps only a utopian wish. But this is the significant statement, Mr. Chairman, the editorial says: But should it come to pass, should Congress take the initiative of asking the country to rise above the traditional framework and adapt itself to new forms of interallied cooperation in times of peace-should Congress approve this resolution, it will then definitely be remembered as the boldest in all American political history. Mr. Chairman, several letters of support have already been filed with the committee. No doubt others will follow. I have had the good fortune to read a copy of one of these, a letter from General Matthew Ridgway, the great commander in 'World War II and the Korean conflict. Some of you may not have had the opportunity to read this letter. Its message, coming as it does from one of our greatest military leaders, has special significance. May it be entered in the record? Earlier this year I informed former President Eisenhower about the resolution and asked for his reaction. He wrote to me on March 3, I replied on March 7, and he responded again on April 6. In this exchange of correspondence is evidence of the strong personal interest and support that the former President is giving this resolution. If I may at this point in the record I would like to include the text of that correspondence. Chairman MORGAN. Without objection, it is so ordered. Hon. THOMAS B. MORGAN, Chairman, Foreign Affairs Committee, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. AUGUST 23, 1966. DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: I am informed by the Honorable Paul Findley that your Committee plans to hold hearings on the Atlantic Union Resolution on August 30, and suggesting that I submit a statement in support of the Resolution. I strongly support this proposed Resolution for reasons which follow. It seems to me that the most vital problem in the world is stated at the outset of the preamble to "The Charter of the United Nations"-"to save succeeding generations from the scourage of war." No group of nations, no region, has such cogent and compelling reasons for recognizing the ineluctable logic of this simple statement, as the peoples of the Atlantic Community. The briefest scanning of history from the time of Rome's greatness to the present day-a period of two millenia-reveals that the peoples of Europe have been deluged in blood of wars, which within the last two centuries, have exacted increasing toll in human life and misery. Now, with the existing potential for destruction, the costs in life and human values of another world conflict is beyond calculation. In the very magnitude of this possible catastrophe should lie the hope that the sanity and wisdom of statesmen can devise viable methods to prevent this catastrophe. No present obstacle, no conceivable difficulty-not even human greed and lust for power-should be permitted to deflect or weaken collective efforts to attain this objective. No group of governments has greater reason, greater stakes at issue, greater potential for attaining this objective, than does the group of peoples of Europe and America-Europe because of its ceaselessly recurring blood baths, America because of its inseparable identity of interests, and both together because of the vulnerability of their highly developed social, economic and cultural structures-quite apart from the inherent moral factor involved. The purpose, if fulfilled, of the pending Resolution would be, in my humble opinion, committing us only to taking one positive and constructive step toward a goal, which however distant and seemingly impossible of attainment, should command the full and persevering support of our people. With high respect, I am, Sincerely, M. B. RIDGWAY, General, U.S. Army, Retired. FEBRUARY 25, 1966. Gen. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, Indio, Calif. DEAR GENERAL: One of the most promising developments in my six years in Congress is the bipartisan support already apparent for the "Atlantic Union Delegation" resolution. I enclose a copy of H.J. Res. 769. Senators Carlson, Fannin, Prouty and Representatives Morton, Ellsworth, Michel, Quie and myself-all on the Republican side-have introduced either this identical language or language that differs only in minor details of the "preamble." I am glad to report that I have already received letters endorsing my resolution from Governor Scranton, former Vice President Nixon, Governor Rockefeller and Governor Hatfield. A number of prominent Democrats in the House and Senate have also endorsed it. In a few days I plan to announce to the press the measure of support already received from prominent Republicans. It would indeed be most gratifying to have an expression of attitude from you. I hesitated to intrude upon your vacation with this matter but decided to do so knowing of your long-standing and deep concern about the Atlantic Alliance and its future. Sincerely yours, PAUL FINDLEY, Representative in Congress. Hon. PAUL FINDLEY, Box FFF, INDIO, CALIF., House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. DEAR MR. FINDLEY: I have long urged closer association and better cooperation among the Free Nations of the world. I am quite sure that steady steps toward this goal, particularly among the North Atlantic Community, are essential to progress toward security and peace with justice. I note that the final section of your Resolution is a proposal that former Presi dents Truman and I act as co-chairmen of the American delegation contemplated by the Resolution. To participate with other nations in exploring steps towards gradual accomplishment of a "Federal Union," I suspect that the necessary travel and other activity might be far more suitably and efficiently done by young men. Would it not be preferable, if the delegation should be established by law, to have the sixteen members appointed by the President and the Congress make their own selection for the two co-chairmen? With best wishes. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER. MARCH 7, 1966. Hon. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, Post Office Box FFF, Indio, Calif. DEAR GENERAL: I am grateful to you for your kindness in replying so promptly to my letter in regard to the Atlantic Union delegation resolution. The final section of the resolution which proposes that you and former President Truman serve as co-chairmen of the American delegation was included after much reflection and discussion. Both of you, of course, had intimate association with the steps leading to the formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. You yourself provided most of the inspiration and the leadership which brought the original group of nations into agreement. Those of us who shaped up this resolution realized that you have reached the time of life when leisure time is especially prized. Certainly no one could be more deserving than yourself of retirement free of public responsibility. However, it is our belief that you and you alone could provide both the leadership and worldwide inspiration which an Atlantic Union Convention must have. We are hopeful that you would give serious thought to returning to public life from your richly deserved retirement long enough to give your tremendous ability and rich knowledge to this great and vital undertaking. The success of the convention might very well depend upon your leadership. It is interesting to recall that in 1786 a convention intended to improve the Articles of Confederation failed before it started for want of the right leadership. Less than a year later a second convention was called, and the announcement that General Washington would be a member of the Virginia delegation caused an outburst of joy and enthusiasm throughout all of the 13 states. Here is a quotation from pages 220-221 of "The Critical Period of American History" by John Fiske "The events of the year had worked a change in the popular sentiment in Virginia; people were more afraid of anarchy and not quite so much afraid of centralization; and now under Madison's lead, Virginia played her trump card and chose George Washington as one of her delegates. As soon as this was known, there was an outburst of joy throughout the land. All at once the people began everywhere to feel an interest in the proposed convention, and presently Massachusetts changed her attitude. Up to this time Massachusetts had been as obstinate in her assertion of local independence, and as unwilling to strengthen the hands of Congress (under the confederation) as any of the 13 states except New York and Rhode Island. But the Shay's rebellion had served as a useful object lesson. . . . Every week saw fresh converts to the party which called for a stronger government (for the confederation). Then came the news that Virginia had chosen delegates and Washington was one of them; then that New Jersey had followed the example; then Pennsylvania; North Carolina; Delaware, had chosen delegates. It was time for Massachusetts to act ***." It is our conviction that you would provide the same inspiration and leadership to the Atlantic Union Čonvention as did General Washington in 1787. You will recall that the Paris Convention to strengthen NATO, held in 1962 (authorized by Resolution in 1960) did not measure up to expectations. This was due mainly to the fact that, with a few exceptions, the U.S. delegation did not consist of our most eminent citizens. Your leadership of the U.S. delegation would assure that this mistake would not be repeated in the Convention now proposed. Just as General Washington's name brought success in 1787 on the heels of 1786's failure, so your name would assure success to this new Atlantic Community undertaking. With you as co-chairman, the Congress and the President would assuredly exercise great care to fill the rest of the delegation with people of highest competence and I am sure all other participating nations would be similarly motivated. You mention youth. One of the most active and effective figures in the Convention of 1787 was Benjamin Franklin, who was then 81 years old. As a Republican, you will be pleased, I am sure, to note the breadth of support which has already developed for the resolution in what I might term the "presidential level" leadership of our party. I enclose herewith photocopies of letters I have received endorsing the resolution from former Vice President Nixon; Governors Scranton, Romney, Hatfield and Rockefeller; and former Senator Barry Goldwater. I am also attaching a statement that I made last week at which time I released these letters to the press. The interest you have already expressed in the resolution is most gratifying. I will prize very highly your further comments to aid in preparation for Senate hearings on the Resolution which are scheduled for March 23-24. Best wishes. Sincerely yours, PAUL FINDLEY, APRIL 6, 1966. DEAR MR. FINDLEY: If a more persuasive reclama to my reluctant declination of your invitation to co-chair the Atlantic Union Delegation could be written I hardly know how. Thank you for writing again and for the high compliment expressed and implicit in all you have stated in your March seventh letter. A careful reading of your letter suggests there may be some misunderstanding of my position. First, I strongly favor your undertaking; let there be no mistake about this. Second, I warmly appreciate the invitation to share the chairmanship of the delegation with former President Truman and would like very much to be able to do so. Third, my declination of the invitation is dictated therefore, not by a reluctance to become identified with this effort, not by a desire for leisure, not even, by a personal awareness of increasing years, but instead by considerations of health which have imposed upon me very explicit medical disciplines for some considerable time to come. In short I would prefer to respond favorably; and if I could, I wouid. Recently I found it necessary to decline, also an invitation from the entire House Republican Leadership to become Chairman of a proposed Hoover-type commission on reorganization of the Executive Branch. My explanation to Gerry Ford was the same as I have found it necessary to communicate to you. Again I was regretful; again I had no option but to decline. I wish your undertaking well and wish I could personally help to advance it as you have suggested. Sincerely, DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER. Mr. FINDLEY. In addition several Governors, plus the former Vice President, Richard Nixon, have written to me indicating support. 68-536-667 |