(JANUARY Tons.Cut.qrs. 84 2 3 32 19 0 6795 4 0 3 17 1 10 8 0 37 0 0 Showing an increase of about 51 per cent was, And that of 1827, was Difference, $7886 Hats 105,463 tons. Live Hogs Lime Stone 65,501 Iron Ore 1674 0 0 Nails 904 15 0 39,962 Sawed Marble 552 0 0 1445 0 0 6791 0 0 273 3 2 83 0 0 being an increase of 61 per cent. The tonnage in 1826 was 32,404 tons, so that the tonnage of 1828 is more than three times that of 1826. Of the tolls, there was received from boats which navigated the Union Canal, the sum of 12,214 dollars and 65 cents, from which source a much larger sum may be expected the coming season, from the great improvements and exertions now making by its active and enterprising president and managers. The income of the company from its Real Estate, and from its Ground Rents and Water Rents will, this year be, 12,426 dollars; the amount received last year, it appears by the accounts submitted, was 7618 dollars 94 cents, to which will be added the arrearages 2500 dollars. With this report, the Managers beg leave to present the following accounts, which they refer to as part of it, Cord Wood Ice Tallow Total descending, MEETING ON BOSTON PORT BILL. Philadelphia, June, 1774. At a very large and respectable meeting of the freeholders and freemen of the city and county of Philadelphia, on Saturday, June 18, 1774. Thomas Willing. John Dickinson, Esqs. Chairmen. I. Resolved, That the act of parliament, for shutting to the inhabitants of that town; dangerous to the liberup the port of Boston, is unconstitutional; oppressive sider our brethren, at Boston, as suffering in the comties of the British colonies; and that therefore, we con mon cause of America. lonies in North America, is the most probable and proII. That a congress of deputies from the several coper mode of procuring relief for our suffering brethren, obtaining redress of American grievances, securing our rights and liberties, and re-establishing peace and harmony between Great Britain and these colonies, on constitutional foundation. mediately appointed for the city and county of PhilaIII. That a large and respectable committee be imdelphia, to correspond with the sister colonies and with the several counties in this province, in order that all may unite in promoting and endeavouring to attain the great and valuable ends, mentioned in the foregoing re solution. IV. That the committee nominated by this meeting shall consult together, and on mature deliberation determine, what is the most proper mode of collecting the sense of this province, and appointing deputies for the same, to attend a general congress; and having determined thereupon, shall take such measures, as by them shall be judged most expedient, for procuring this province to be represented at the said congress, in the best manner that can be devised for promoting the public welfare. V. That the committee be instructed immediately to set on foot a subscription for the relief of such poor inhabitants of the town of Boston, as may be deprived of Navi-parliament, commonly styled the Boston port bill. The the means of subsistence by the operation of the act of the committee shall think will best answer the ends promoney arising from such subscription to be laid out as posed. 0 Tons. Cut.qrs. VI. That the committee consist of forty three persons, viz. John Dickinson, Edward Pennington, John Nixon, Thomas Willing, George Clymer, Samuel Howell, Joseph Reed, John Roberts, (miller) Thomas Wharton, jun. Charles Thompson, Jacob Barge, Thomas Barclay, William Rush, Robert Smith, (carpenter,) Thomas 1829.] MEETING ON BOSTON PORt bill. GENTLEMEN: Philadelphia, June 28, 1774. 27 Fitzsimons, George Roberts, Samuel Ervin, Thomas Mif. Ain, John Cox, George Gray, Robert Morris, Samuel Miles, John M. Nesbit, Peter Chevalier, Wm. Moulder, The committee of correspondence for this city and Joseph Moulder, Anthony Morris, jun. John Allen, Je- county, beg leave to enclose you printed copies of the remiah Warder, jun. Rev. Dr. William Smith, Paul En-resolve, passed at a very large and respectable meeting gle, Thomas Penrose, James Mease, Benjamin Marshall, Reuben Haines, John Bayard, Jonathan B. Smith, Thomas Wharton, Isaac Howell, Michael Hillegas, Adam Hubley, George Schlosser, and Christopher Ludwick. After the first reading of the propositions that had been prepared for the meeting on Saturday the 18th inst., and before they were put up separately, the Rev. Dr. Smith made the following short address, which is pub. lished at the desire of many. GENTLEMEN, The occasion of this meeting has been fully explained to you, and sundry propositions read, which are now to be separately offered for your approbation or disapprobation. But before you proceed to this business, it has been thought proper to submit a few things to your good judgment, with respect to the order and decorum necessary to be observed, in the discussion of every question. of the Freeholders and Freemen in the State-house Square, on Saturday the 18th inst. By the 4th of those resolves, you will observe that it was left for the Committee "To determine on the most proper mode of collecting the sense of this province in the present critical situation of our affairs, and appointing Deputies to attend the proposed Congress." In pursuance of this trust, we have, upon the maturest deliberation, determined upon the mode contained in the two following propositions, which we hope may meet with the approbation and concurrence of your respectable county, viz. "1. That the Speaker of the Honourable House of Representatives he desired to write to the several members of Assembly in this province, requesting them to meet in this city as soon as possible, but not later than the 1st of August next, to take into their consideration our very alarming situation. 2. That letters be written to proper persons in each county, recommending it to them to get Committees appointed for their respective counties, and that the said Committees, or such number of them as may be thought proper, may meet in Philadelphia at the time the Representatives are convened, in order to consult and advise on the most expedient mode of appointing Deputies for the general congress, and to give their weight to such as may be appointed." The Speaker of the Assembly, in a very obliging and ready manner, had agreed to comply with the request in the former of these propositions; but we are now informed that, on account of the Indian disturbances, the Governor has found it necessary to call the Assembly to meet in their legislative capacity on Monday July 18, being about the same time the Speaker would probably have invited them to a conference or convention in their It need not be repeated to you, that matters of the highest consequence to the happiness of this province, nay of all British America, depend upon your deliberations this day-perhaps nothing less than, whether the breach with the country from which we descended shall be irreparably widened, or whether ways and means upon constitutional grounds, may not yet be devised, for closing that breach; and restoring that harmony from which, in our better days, Great Britain and her colonies derived mutual strength and glory, and were exalted into an importance that, both in peace and war, made them the envy and terror of the neighbouring nations? While subjects such as these are agitated before us, every thing that may inflame and mislead the passions should be cast far behind us. A cause of such inportance and magnitude as that now under our deliberation, is not to be conducted to its true issue by any heat-private capacity. ed or hasty resolves, nor by any bitterness and animosi ties among ourselves, nor even perhaps by too severe a recapitulation of past grievances; but require the temperate and enlightened zeal of the patriot, the prudence and experience of the aged, the strength of mind and vigour of those, who are in their prime of life; and, in short, the united wisdom and efforts of all, both high and low, joining hand in hand, and setting foot to foot, upon the firm ground of reason and the constitution. Whenever party distinctions begin to operate, we shall give cause of triumph to those, who may be watchful as well as powerful to abridge us of our native right.— There ought to be no party, no contention here, but who sha'l be firmest and foremost in the common cause of America Every man's sentiments should be freely heard, and without prejudice. While we contend for liberty with others, let us not refuse liberty to each other. Whatever vote is known to be now passed, upon full deliberation, and by the unanimous voice of this great city and county, will not only be respected through all America, but will have such a weight as the proudest Minister in England may have reason to respect. But if it is known to be a divided vote, or adopted hastily on some angry day,it will only be injurious to our own cause. What I have in charge to request of you is this-that if, on any point, we should have a difference of sentiments, every person may be allowed to speak his mind freely, and to conclude what he has to offer, without any such outward marks of approbation or disapprobation, as clapping or hissing; and that if a division should be necessary (which it is hoped may not be the case this day) such division may be made in the manner desired by the chairmen, with all possible order and decorum. The following is a copy of the Circular Letter sent by the Committee for this city and county, to the different counties in this province, What we have therefore to request is, that if you ap prove of the mode expressed in the second proposition, the whole or part of the committee appointed, or to be appointed for your county, will meet the committees from the other counties at Philadelphia, on Friday the 15th of July, in order to assist in framing instructions, and preparing such matters as may be proper to recommend to our Representatives at their meeting the Monday following. We trust no apology is necessary for the trouble we propose giving your committee, of attending at Philadel phia; as we are persuaded you are fully convinced of the necessity of the closest union among ourselves both in sentiment and action; nor can such union be obtained so well by any other method, as by a meeting of the county committees of each particular province, in one place, preparatory to the general congress. We would not offer such an affront to the well known public spirit of Pennsylvanians, as to question your zeal on the present occasion. Our very existence in the rank of Freemen, and the security of all that ought to be dear to us, evidently depend upon our conducting this great cause to its proper issue by firmness, wisdom and unanimity. We cannot therefore doubt your ready concurrence in every measure that may be conducive to the public good; and it is with pleasure we can assure you, that all the colonies, from S. Carolina to N. Hump, shire, seem animated with one spirit in the common cause, and consider this as the proper crisis for having our dif ferences with the Mother Country brought to some certain issue, and our liberties fixt upon a permanent foundation. This desirable end can only be accomplished by a free communion of sentiments, and a sincere fervent regard to the interests of our common country. beg to be favoured with an answer to this and whether the Committee for your county can attend at l'hila. at the time proposed. Signed by the Chairman. We CAPITAL OF PHILADELPHIA. An interesting document has lately been published in the New York Daily Advertiser, entitled “A statistical and comparative view of the monied institutions of the cities of New York, Philadelphia, and Boston, for the year 1828, showing the number of shares of stock, the amount of each share, and the product of each institution from the 1st January 1828, to the 31st December 1828. Compiled from official sources, and personal in vestigation, by Thomas H. Goddard, accountant." The insertion of all the tables, would occupy too much space— we therefore insert only the table relative to Philadelphia; and also the one exhibiting the general comparaview of the capital of each city. BANKS. Shares Jeach Capital. Time and Rate. Dividend. BRANCH BANK OF U. STATES-Estimated Capital, 20,000 100 2,000,000 Jan. 3-July 31 130,000 NORTH AMERICA, 2,000 400 800,000 Jan. 2-July 21 32,000 6,150 400 2,500,000 Jan. 3--July 3150,000 18,000 100 1,800,000 May 24-Nov. 2 81,000 20,000 50 1,000,000 May 3--Nov. 3 PENNSYLVANIA, PHILADELPHIA, COMMERCIAL, MECHANICS, FARMERS' & MECHANICS', SCHUYLKILL, NORTHERN LIBERTIES, SOUTHWARK, 60,000 KENSINGTON, CAMDEN, PENN TOWNSHIP.-This bank is chartered for $250- 657,787 50 $11,292,500 By the foregoing rule, paper must have been discounted during the year to the amount of 657,787 50 65,787,751 There are in this city 9 Marine Insurance Companies, whose capitals amount to There are in this city 3 Fire Insurance Companies, whose capitals amount to And these have made Dividends for Making an interest on the Dollar of 5.928, 83,000 S. Girard's Bank in Philadelphia, is one of great credit and usefulness, but being a private concern, is not noticed. From an official statement published Dec. 6th, in Boston, the Banks in that city, have an aggregate specie capital of 712,000 dollars. Any corporate body making an uniform semi-annual dividend of 24 per cent. will return its capital to the stockholders in dividends in 20 years—and if the dividends should be again invested in the same manner, will double itself in 13 years and 15 days. A similar Dividend of 44 per cent. will also double itself in 11 years 43 days-and if again invested will double in 7 years, 10 months and 19 days. We are not personally acquainted with the facts set forth in the following memorial, but presuming them to have existence, and believing that the suggestions made, are well worthy of attention, we publish the document. It is certainly proper that the people should have the means of ascertaining that the funds derived from themselves are faithfully and correctly applied to the objects for which they were destined. A knowledge of the fact, that but little attention has been paid to the statistics of this state, was one powerful argument with us when we commenced this work, and in the prosecution of it we have paid particular attention to presenting as much of that kind of information as we could obtain,—and it will always be a primary object with us to do so. We have numerous tables in progress connected with these matters, but it is frequently so difficult to obtain the desired information, that much time is consumed in ascertaining a fact with which almost every one would be supposed familiar. We have frequently been gratified in observing the information imparted by the public documents published by our neighbour, New York, and have often wondered why the same plan has not been attempted to be pursued in this state. Most of the statistical information respecting this state is locked up in the journals of the Legislature, and few persons, not immediately connected with that body, have an oppor tunity of seeing it—as the number printed is generally small, and the documents themselves are seldom published in the papers. It is a singular fact, that so far as we have had opportunity of examining, there is not more than one complete copy of the journals of the Legislature from the commencement of the government to the present time, to be found in any public library in the city-whereas every public library throughout the state ought to be in possession of one, at least-and it is also a singular fact, that so far as we have inquired, we cannot now recollect a single public institution that has a complete set of its own printed reports and accounts. We have taken some pains to collect them, and have been surprised to find so little attention paid by the individuals of such bodies to the preservation of documents, in which they themselves have had an active share. Of the Journals of Congress we believe there is not more than one or two complete sets in the city, and we are not certain that there are so many. There ought certainly to be more attention paid to this subject by the directors of our public libraries-they could no doubt be furnished with them, as they are printed by the different bodies for the future, and in many cases, with some of the past. We anticipate, that at some future period, the Register will be resorted to for information by individuals of societies, which they themselves had neglected to preserve. To the Honourable the Senate and House of Representa That vast sums of money are annually raised in the That the said taxes are laid in each township by the Supervisors of roads and highways of the township, and are collected by the said Supervisors, or by persons appointed by them, and the amounts received are applied and expended by the same Supervisors. That there is no appeal (except in particular cases,) from the determinations of these officers, and no authority whereby their proceedings may be controlled, after an order for opening a road is obtained from the Court; nor is there in fact any limitation to the amount they may raise, because the limitation of the rate or per centage for the road taxes may be evaded by raising the assessed value of property affected by them. That the waste of labour and of money on said roads, is to be estimated by hundreds of thousands of dollars annually. That these evils are necessary consequences of committing the highways to the exclusive and uninstructed management of men who, however well disposed, re not informed, by profession or practice, nor by rules dictated by the Legislature, upon a subject which involves the convenience, the prosperity, the safety, and even the lives of the citizens. That the evils are equally prejudicial to the common welfare, whether they arise from defects in the laws, or from general neglect of their enactments, and in either case remedy is urgently necessary. Your memorialists would not however be understood to reproach the supervisors, most of whom are no doubt valuable citizens; it is the system of our laws on this subject which is herein complained of: no man would employ a mechanic, or a professional person, on a matter to which he had never attended; and yet persons are sums of the public money in each township, manifold the income of any individual, without previous instruction or experience, and without general rules being prescribed for the manner in which their duties are to be performed. That the said supervisors do not account for the money received or paid away by them, except by unob-employed by the public to spend on a mechanical art, served and desultory statements or settlements, made to and with the township settlers or Auditors; who, by reason of the disregard into which the office has fallen, are usually men not familiar with accounts; and therefore, however upright their intentions may be, settlements of the road accounts are generally confused, and in no wise such as ought to be made of so heavy a burthen on the people. That the said accounts are not returned to the Coun. ty Commissioners, nor are they published; and in consequence the people are ignorant of the amount paid in road taxes. That the Legislature is, for the same reason, igno rant of the said amount. That the aggregate amount of the road taxes throughout the state, is believed, from the best information which can be gathered, to be not less than a million of dollars annually; and that this enormous sum has been collected during many consecutive years, while neither the people nor their constituted authorities have been at all aware of its magnitude:-it is further believed, that since the year 1800, the sums collected by road taxes alone, bave amounted to no less than twenty millions of dollars, and have probably exceeded this extravagant total; in addition to which, it is estimated that sixteen millions of dollars have been expended by the state and by corporations on turnpike roads, bridges, and canals; even this estimate does not include the expenditure on the magnificent system of internal improvement, recently undertaken by the commonwealth, nor the expenses on county bridges. That a judicious and economical application of such an amount of money, would have rendered the means of communication in this State the best in the world. That, nevertheless, road making in this State appears to be in the infancy of the art, and many roads are models of bad engineering. That in many instances the most improper and the worst location seem to have been sought out for the routes of roads. That there is no system pursued in laying out, nor in making, nor in repairing roads: they are often carried over precipitous hills, when they ought to have gone round them-they are often destitute of side drains or ditches-they are often pretended to be repaired by throwing loose earth upon them, to be washed off by rains, unless it is converted by the water into sloughs bridges are often constructed on them of green, unbarked timber, and sometimes these fabrics are even covered with earth, as if to insure their most speedy destruction-water courses or springs in the roads are frequently filled up with brush wood, covered with earth, forming dangerous quagmires-and, in a word, every thing which art abhors, and which experience teaches to avoid, is practised on roads made under the direction of the township supervisors. Nor would your memorialists be understood to complain of paying taxes for roads and highways; they fully concede that few items of public expenditure contribute more directly than money judiciously and economically employed in facilitating intercourse and transportation. But your memorialists do complain that the large amount raised from the people is applied, under the present system, so as not to produce an equivalent to the sums drawn from them. Your memorialists further represent, That labour on roads is hired by some supervisors at rates far exceeding the wages paid by individuals in the same vicinity, and is often paid by what are called 'road orders,' which are frequently bought up by speculators these orders from the labourers; and, in consequence, at large discounts, and that supervisors themselves buy where this practice prevails, the wages for a day's la bour on the roads is nominally much higher than elsewhere; but many of the labourers do not actually receive more wages (and often they receive less) than those paid by individuals; the citizens at large pay the difference between it and the real value of labour, or what hands can be hired for, and often much more than that difference is the profit of speculation. Your memorialists further represent, That the amount is also enormous of money raised in this Commonwealth for county rates and levies, poor taxes, city and borough taxes; and that the amount sa raised is equally unknown to the Legislature and to the people. That a practice of borrowing has become unfortunately prevalent, in consequence of which most of the corporations, and even many of the counties, are in debt, some to a large amount, the aggregate of which, throughout the State, forms a total of alarming magnitude. That the consciousness that the accounts are to be laid before the eyes of the Legislature and the people, whose approbation or censure will attend the exhibits of economy or profusion, would be a powerful incentive to attention and good conduct in the officers who are charged with the management of the public funds. That a knowledge of the amount of taxes raised from the people is highly necessary to the community, and would be serviceable to the Legislature; as without it the wants and conditions of the different sections of the State cannot be correctly understood, nor can instances of local oppression be avoided. That it is also essential that the people, and almost indispensable to correct legislation, that the Legislature should be correctly informed of the actual state of the |