coldly ferocious, in those clouds of monks who, issuing from all the convents of the order of Citeaux, spread themselves through the states of Europe, occupied all the pulpits, appealed to all the passions to convert them into one, and showed how every vice might be expiated by crime, how remorse might be expelled by the flames of their piles, how the soul, polluted with every shameful passion, might become pure and spotless by bathing in the blood of heretics. After the conquest of the suspected country had been accomplished, after peace had been granted to the princes, and a safeguard to the submissive people, the monks of Citeaux continued, in every church, to preach a war of extermination, because they had done it with success in the preceding year, and because they were unwilling to relinquish the honours and profits of their mission. By continuing to preach the crusade, when there were none to combat, they impelled, each year, waves of new fanatics upon these miserable provinces ; and they compelled their chiefs to recommence the war, in order to profit by the fervour of those who still demanded human victims, and required blood to effect their salvation.

1209. After the departure of the crusaders, towards the end of the summer of 1209, the count Raymond VI of Toulouse thought himself on the point of being reconciled to the church, to which he had given sureties, and which he had

served in the preceding campaign. The count of Foix had made his peace with Simon de Montfort, who was endeavouring to establish himself in the viscounties of Carcassonne and Beziers, at the same time that he was negociating with Don Pedro, king of Aragon, then at Montpellier, to prevail on him to receive his homage. The arrival of new crusaders, conducted by Guy abbot of Vaux-Cernay, of the order of Citeaux, inspired Simon de Montfort with fresh courage. On one hand, he thought it time to throw away the mask with Raymond VI count of Toulouse. He caused him to be excommunicated by the two legates, and laid all his territory under an interdict, after which he began hostilities against him. On the other hand, he caused the abbot of Eaulnes, who had made the peace between him and the count of Foix, to be assassinated; he then accused the count of this crime, and declared all negociation between them to be at an end. Simon de Montfort was, however, too eager in attacking new enemies before he had entirely subjugated the old. The king of Aragon, after amusing him with long negociations, peremptorily refused his homage, and would acknowledge no other vis

* Innocentii III, lib. xii, Ep. 106, 107. Histoire de Languedoc, liv. XXI, ch. Íxviii, p. 178.

8 The knights of Toulouse, in a memorial addressed to the king of Aragon, accuse Simon and the crusaders of having given the best reception to the assassins of the abbot of Eaulnes: Preuves de l'histoire de Languedoc, p. 236. Peter de Vaux-Cernay, on the contrary, accuses the count of Foix of this assassination: cap. xxx, Hist. Albigens. p. 579.

count of Beziers and Carcassonne than Raymond Trencavel, son of the last viscount, two years of age, who was then under the care of the count of Foix. At the same time, he solicited the knights, who held from these two viscounties, to take arms for the son of their lord, promising them powerful succours. Towards the end of November, they all revolted, almost at the same time. Many of the French, the creatures of Simon de Montfort, were surprised in the castles which they regarded as their conquest. Some became victims of the resentment excited in the country by the cruelties of the crusaders; and at the end of the year, the domination of Simon de Montfort in Languedoc was reduced to eight cities or castles, whilst it had at first comprised more than two hundred.9

Raymond VI, count of Toulouse, would have been afraid of compromising himself still more with the court of Rome, if he had given any appearance of exciting these revolts, or of making common cause with the enemies of Simon de Montfort. Although Montfort had already commenced hostilities against him, he judged it more expedient to repair first to the court of Philip Augustus, and afterwards to that of the pope, than to remain in his states, and defend them by open force. He arrived at Rome at the com

9 Historia de los faicts de Tolosa, p. 21, 22. Hist. Albigens. cap. xxvi, xxvii, p. 577.

mencement of the year 1210, and addressed himself to the pope to obtain his absolution. He was prepared to make great concessions, that he might avoid the fate of his nephew, the viscount of Beziers. He thought no longer of defending his heretical subjects; it was sufficient for him to shelter himself from the ambition of Simon de Montfort, from the hatred of the legate, Arnold, abbot of Citeaux, and from the sanguinary fury of Fouquet, bishop of Toulouse, who would have gladly seen the half of the flock, entrusted to his care, perish on the scaffold.

1210. Innocent III found himself, at that time, in one of those moments when he felt the power of the resistance he was called upon to conquer, and too much accustomed to despise. He had elevated himself to universal monarchy, and gave laws to the two empires of the east and west. In that same year he scolded the king of Portugal, and encouraged the king of Castille; he set himself as judge of the divorce of the king of Bohemia, and he incited the king of Denmark to take the cross. He had also just confirmed the rule which St. Francis d'Assise had given to the fraternity the most devoted to the holy see of all the orders of monks. But, on the other hand, the emperor Otho IV, whom he regarded as his creature, had just escaped from him, and incurred ex

1 Raynaldi Annal. Eccles. 1210, § xxviii, p. 196. Lucas Wadingus Ann. minor ad ann. 1210.

communication by his resistance to the holy see. John, the king of England, lived in open enmity with the church. Philip Augustus had dared to seize upon the temporalities of two bishops. A system of opposition to the pope appeared to be preparing in the Christian world, and, in spite of all his pride, Innocent III was too politic not to temporize when occasion required.

4

Whether Innocent proposed only to separate Raymond from his partisans, to inspire him with a deceitful confidence, and to gain time, as the most zealous amongst the orthodox writers affirm, or whether he really felt good will towards the count of Toulouse, and was afterwards prevented from pardoning him by his legates, who deceived him, as some writers the most disposed to tolerance have supposed, certain it is that he gave this prince a gracious reception. He released him, provisionally, from the excommunication pronounced against him, but referred him, for final absolution, to a council which should assemble in the province three months after the count's return. The purpose of this council was only to judge whether Raymond was, or was not, guilty of heresy, and whether he had, or had not, prompted the murderer of the legate Peter of Castelnau. These were the two accusations which exposed

2 Guillelmus Armoricus, p. 84.

3 Petrus Vallis. Cern. Hist. Albigens cap. xxxiii, p. 580.

4 Historia de los faicts de Tolosa, p. 23. Histoire de Languedoc, liv. XXI, ch. lxxxi, p. 187.