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Labor-HEW Appropriations Bill, 1969, (H.R. 18037), which would exempt from both the Anti-Deficiency Act and the Revenue and Expenditure Control Act an appropriation of $91 million for impacted area school assistance for fiscal 1968. In advising the House to accept the Senate amendment, Cong. Flood stated: "Section 406 of the Vocational Education Act amendments seems to many and, I must say, not to others, to cover what the language in disagreement seeks to do; but in any event there are many instances in which it has been made clear that the President has the constitutional powers to refuse to spend money which the Congress appropriates." Cong. Rec., October 19, 1968, p. H9737.

Cong. Laird agreed:

"The language will not be interpreted as a requirement to spend because of the constitutional question which is involved. The Congress cannot compel the President of the United States to spend money that he does not want to spend." Ibid.

More recently, in the hearing on HEW's appropriation bill for fiscal 1970, Congressman Smith stated his belief that HEW was not compelled to spend the funds appropriated for the impact aid program. Hearings before a Subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee, 91st Cong., 1st Sess., Pt. I, p. 263. Subcommittee Chairman Flood appeared to agree. Ibid., p. 264. Taken together these statements evidence broad Congressional support for the proposition that the President has some residual constitutional authority to refuse to expend those funds to which section 406 applies. What is not clear is the nature or the precise source of the authority the speakers had in mind. For the reasons discussed below we conclude that the President does not have a constitutional right to impound P.L. 874 funds notwithstanding a Congressional direction that they be spent. However, before proceeding with discussion of the constitutional question we might note that the Congressional statements cited above might be used in support of another argument for Presidential authority, based on statutory interpretation. It might be argued that although these statements cannot affect the interpretation of P.L. 874, since they were not made in the course of enacting or amending that statute. nevertheless P.L. 874 is not self-executing, and its operation is expressly conditioned on the enactment of subsequent appropriations legislation. Therefore, in determining the duties of the Commissioner of Education one must construe the intent of both the substantive legislation, P.L.874, and the appropriations legislation, and the present understanding of Congress, as evidenced by the statements above, is that the enactment of the appropriation does not create a duty to spend.

Up to a point this argument has a certain amount of validity. We do not doubt, for example, that notwithstanding the terms of P.L. 874, Congress could provide in its appropriation that the money need not be spent. Or it could enact an appropriation, and then provide in contemporaneous or subsequent legislation that the money need not be spent, as was done in title II of the Revenue and Expenditure Control Act of 1968, P.L. 90-364. However, the Congressional statements cited above refer to the President's constitutional powers and not to Congressional intent. It seems doubtful that one can infer from those statements, most of them made in 1968, that Congress, in enacting the appropriations legislation in 1969, intended to exert less than its full authority to require the expenditure of funds appropriated to P.L. 874. Still, since at this writing the appropriations legislation has not yet been passed, it may be that legislative history may still be made which would support the argument that Congress does not intend to require the expenditure of the entire sum appropriated.

With respect to the suggestion that the President has a constitutional power to decline to spend appropriated funds, we must conclude that existence of such a broad power is supported by neither reason nor precedent. There is, of course, no question that an appropriation act permits but does not require the executive branch to spend funds. See 42 Ops. A. G. No. 32, p. 4 (1967). But this is basically a rule of construction, and does not meet the question whether the President has authority to refuse to spend where the appropriation act or the substantive legislation, fairly construed, require such action.

In 1967 Attorney General Clark issued an opinion, 42 Ops. A. G. No. 32. upholding the power of the President to impound funds which had been apportioned among the States pursuant to the Federal-Aid Highway Act of

1956, 23 U.S.C. 101 et seq., but had not been obligated through the approval by the Secretary of Transportation of particular projects. This opinion appears to us to have been based on the construction of the particular statute, rather than on the assertion of a broad constitutional principle of Executive authority. While the reasoning of the opinion might lend support to Executive action deferring the obligation of funds under P.L. 815, we think the case of P.L. 874 is clearly distinguishable, because, among other reasons, impounding the P.L. 874 funds would result not in a deferral of expenditures, but in permanent loss to the recipient school districts of the funds in question and defeat of the Congressional intent that the operations of these districts be funded at a particular level for the fiscal year.

While there have been instances in the past in which the President has refused to spend funds appropriated by Congress for a particular purpose we know of no such instance involving a statute which by its terms sought to require such expenditure.

Although there is no judicial precedent squarely in point, Kendall v. United States, 12 Pet. 524 (1838), appears to us to be authority against the asserted Presidential power. In that case it was held that mandamus lay to compel the Postmaster General to pay to a contractor an award which had been arrived at in accordance with a procedure directed by Congress for settling the case. The court said:

"There are certain political duties imposed upon many officers in the executive department, the discharge of which is under the direction of the President. But it would be an alarming doctrine, that Congress cannot impose upon any executive officer any duty they may think proper, which is not repugnant to any rights secured and protected by the Constitution; and in such cases, the duty and responsibility grow out of and are subject to the control of the law, and not to the direction of the President. And this is emphatically the case where the duty enjoined is of a mere ministerial character." 12 Pet. at 610. It might be argued that Kendall is not applicable to the instant situation because the Commissioner of Education's duties are not merely ministerial. Cf. Decatur v. Paulding, 14 Pet. 497, 515 (1840). On the other hand, while discretion is involved in the computation of the entitlement of the recipient districts, as we have pointed out, the application of the appropriation to the payment of entitlements pursuant to section 5(c) of P.L. 874 might reasonably be regarded as a ministerial duty. In any event, the former distinction between discretionary and ministerial duties has lost much of its significance in view of the broad availability of judicial review of agency actions and of a remedy in the Court of Claims for financial claims against the Government. 28 U.S.C. 1491. Thus, the mere fact that a duty may be described as discretionary does not, in our view, make the principle of the Kendall case inapplicable, if the action of the federal officer is beyond the bounds of discretion permitted him by the law.

In an unpublished opinion letter of May 27, 1937 to the President, Attorney General Cummings answered in the negative the question whether the President could legally require the heads of departments and agencies to withhold expenditures from appropriations made. Insofar as the opinion concludes that a Presidential directive may not bind a department head in the exercise of discretionary power vested in him by statute, this opinion appears inconsistent with the views expressed in the opinion of Attorney General Clark previously cited and with constitutional practice in recent years. However, the Cummings opinion also rejects any idea that the President has any power to refuse to spend appropriations other than such power as may be found or implied in the legislation itself.

It is in our view extremely difficult to formulate a constitutional theory to justify a refusal by the President to comply with a Congressional directive to spend. It may be argued that the spending of money is inherently an executive function, but the execution of any law is, by definition, an executive function, and it seems an anomalous proposition that because the Executive branch is bound to execute the laws, it is free to decline to execute them. Of course, if a Congressional directive to spend were to interfere with the President's authority in an area confided by the Constitution to his substantive

7 See, also, 2 Ops. A. G. 482 (1831).

Labor-HEW Appropriations Bill, 1969, (H.R. 18037), which would exempt from both the Anti-Deficiency Act and the Revenue and Expenditure Control Act an appropriation of $91 million for impacted area school assistance for fiscal 1968. In advising the House to accept the Senate amendment, Cong. Flood stated: "Section 406 of the Vocational Education Act amendments seems to many and, I must say, not to others, to cover what the language in disagreement seeks to do; but in any event there are many instances in which it has been made clear that the President has the constitutional powers to refuse to spend money which the Congress appropriates." Cong. Rec., October 19, 1968, p. H9737.

Cong. Laird agreed:

"The language will not be interpreted as a requirement to spend because of the constitutional question which is involved. The Congress cannot compel the President of the United States to spend money that he does not want to spend." Ibid.

More recently, in the hearing on HEW's appropriation bill for fiscal 1970, Congressman Smith stated his belief that HEW was not compelled to spend the funds appropriated for the impact aid program. Hearings before a Subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee, 91st Cong., 1st Sess., Pt. I, p. 263. Subcommittee Chairman Flood appeared to agree. Ibid., p. 264. Taken together these statements evidence broad Congressional support for the proposition that the President has some residual constitutional authority to refuse to expend those funds to which section 406 applies. What is not clear is the nature or the precise source of the authority the speakers had in mind. For the reasons discussed below we conclude that the President does not have a constitutional right to impound P.L. 874 funds notwithstanding a Congressional direction that they be spent. However, before proceeding with discussion of the constitutional question we might note that the Congressional statements cited above might be used in support of another argument for Presidential authority, based on statutory interpretation. It might be argued that although these statements cannot affect the interpretation of P.L. 874, since they were not made in the course of enacting or amending that statute. nevertheless P.L. 874 is not self-executing, and its operation is expressly conditioned on the enactment of subsequent appropriations legislation. Therefore, in determining the duties of the Commissioner of Education one must construe the intent of both the substantive legislation, P.L.874, and the appropriations legislation, and the present understanding of Congress, as evidenced by the statements above, is that the enactment of the appropriation does not create a duty to spend.

Up to a point this argument has a certain amount of validity. We do not doubt, for example, that notwithstanding the terms of P.L. 874, Congress could provide in its appropriation that the money need not be spent. Or it could enact an appropriation, and then provide in contemporaneous or subsequent legislation that the money need not be spent, as was done in title II of the Revenue and Expenditure Control Act of 1968, P.L. 90-364. However, the Congressional statements cited above refer to the President's constitutional powers and not to Congressional intent. It seems doubtful that one can infer from those statements, most of them made in 1968, that Congress, in enacting the appropriations legislation in 1969, intended to exert less than its full authority to require the expenditure of funds appropriated to P.L. 874. Still, since at this writing the appropriations legislation has not yet been passed, it may be that legislative history may still be made which would support the argument that Congress does not intend to require the expenditure of the entire sum appropriated.

With respect to the suggestion that the President has a constitutional power to decline to spend appropriated funds, we must conclude that existence of such a broad power is supported by neither reason nor precedent. There is, of course, no question that an appropriation act permits but does not require the executive branch to spend funds. See 42 Ops. A. G. No. 32, p. 4 (1967). But this is basically a rule of construction, and does not meet the question whether the President has authority to refuse to spend where the appropriation act or the substantive legislation, fairly construed, require such action.

In 1967 Attorney General Clark issued an opinion, 42 Ops. A. G. No. 32, upholding the power of the President to impound funds which had been apportioned among the States pursuant to the Federal-Aid Highway Act of

1956, 23 U.S.C. 101 et seq., but had not been obligated through the approval by the Secretary of Transportation of particular projects. This opinion appears to us to have been based on the construction of the particular statute, rather than on the assertion of a broad constitutional principle of Executive authority. While the reasoning of the opinion might lend support to Executive action deferring the obligation of funds under P.L. 815, we think the case of P.L. 874 is clearly distinguishable, because, among other reasons, impounding the P.L. 874 funds would result not in a deferral of expenditures, but in permanent loss to the recipient school districts of the funds in question and defeat of the Congressional intent that the operations of these districts be funded at a particular level for the fiscal year.

While there have been instances in the past in which the President has refused to spend funds appropriated by Congress for a particular purpose we know of no such instance involving a statute which by its terms sought to require such expenditure.

Although there is no judicial precedent squarely in point, Kendall v. United States, 12 Pet. 524 (1838), appears to us to be authority against the asserted Presidential power. In that case it was held that mandamus lay to compel the Postmaster General to pay to a contractor an award which had been arrived at in accordance with a procedure directed by Congress for settling the case. The court said:

"There are certain political duties imposed upon many officers in the executive department, the discharge of which is under the direction of the President. But it would be an alarming doctrine, that Congress cannot impose upon any executive officer any duty they may think proper, which is not repugnant to any rights secured and protected by the Constitution; and in such cases, the duty and responsibility grow out of and are subject to the control of the law, and not to the direction of the President. And this is emphatically the case where the duty enjoined is of a mere ministerial character." 12 Pet. at 610. It might be argued that Kendall is not applicable to the instant situation because the Commissioner of Education's duties are not merely ministerial. Cf. Decatur v. Paulding, 14 Pet. 497, 515 (1840). On the other hand, while discretion is involved in the computation of the entitlement of the recipient districts, as we have pointed out, the application of the appropriation to the payment of entitlements pursuant to section 5(c) of P.L. 874 might reasonably be regarded as a ministerial duty. In any event, the former distinction between discretionary and ministerial duties has lost much of its significance in view of the broad availability of judicial review of agency actions and of a remedy in the Court of Claims for financial claims against the Government. 28 U.S.C. 1491. Thus, the mere fact that a duty may be described as discretionary does not, in our view, make the principle of the Kendall case inapplicable, if the action of the federal officer is beyond the bounds of discretion permitted him by the law.

In an unpublished opinion letter of May 27, 1937 to the President, Attorney General Cummings answered in the negative the question whether the President could legally require the heads of departments and agencies to withhold expenditures from appropriations made. Insofar as the opinion concludes that a Presidential directive may not bind a department head in the exercise of discretionary power vested in him by statute, this opinion appears inconsistent with the views expressed in the opinion of Attorney General Clark previously cited and with constitutional practice in recent years. However, the Cummings opinion also rejects any idea that the President has any power to refuse to spend appropriations other than such power as may be found or implied in the legislation itself.

It is in our view extremely difficult to formulate a constitutional theory to justify a refusal by the President to comply with a Congressional directive to spend. It may be argued that the spending of money is inherently an executive function, but the execution of any law is, by definition, an executive function, and it seems an anomalous proposition that because the Executive branch is bound to execute the laws, it is free to decline to execute them. Of course, if a Congressional directive to spend were to interfere with the President's authority in an area confided by the Constitution to his substantive

7 See, also, 2 Ops. A. G. 482 (1831).

direction and control, such as his authority as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and his authority over foreign affairs, United States v. CurtissWright Export Corp., 299 U.S. 304, 319-322 (1936), a situation would be presented very different from the one before us. But the President has no mandate under the Constitution to determine national policy on assistance to education independent from his duty to execute such laws on the subject as Congress chooses to pass.

It has been suggested that the President's duty to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed" might justify his refusal to spend, in the interest of preserving the fiscal integrity of the Government or the stability of the economy. This argument carries weight in a situation in which the President is faced with conflicting statutory demands, as, for example, where to comply with a direction to spend might result in exceeding the debt limit or a limit imposed on total obligations or expenditures. See, e.g., P.L. 91-47, title IV. But it appears to us that the conflict must be real and imminent for this argument to have validity; it would not be enough that the President disagreed with spending priorities established by Congress. Thus, if the President may comply with the statutory budget limitation by controlling expenditures which Congress has permitted but not required, he would, in our view, probably be bound to do so, even though he regarded such expenditures as more necessary to the national interest than those he was compelled to make.

If Congress should direct the expenditure of funds in the carrying out of a particular program or undertaking, say, construction of a public building, but without limiting the Executive's discretion in such a way as to designate the recipient of the appropriated funds, a better argument might perhaps be made for a constitutional power to refuse to spend than is available in the formula grant situation presented by P.L. 874. Or this might be viewed simply as a situation in which the duty to spend exists but there is no constitutional means to compel its performance.

As to the availability of a remedy, if our conclusion that section 5 of P.L. 874 requires expenditure of the appropriation is correct, we believe that the recipient school districts will probably have a judicial remedy. It is true that unlike P.L. 815, P.L. 874 has no specific provision for judicial review of a refusal to make a grant. However, absence of such a provision does not imply that no judicial review was intended. See Abbott Laboratories v. Gardner, 387 U.S. 136, 139-46 (1967). It may be that a suit to compel the Commissioner to apply the appropriation would be inappropriate, see Land v. Dollar, 330 U.S. 731, 738 (1947), but if the school districts are legally entitled to payment under the statute, they can sue the Government in the Court of Claims. 28 U.S.C. 1941. Such a suit could raise interesting legal problems, for it is clear that "entitlement" under P.L. 874 is not itself equivalent to a legal obligation to pay, and it is doubtful that even entitlement plus appropriation creates a vested right which may not be destroyed by subsequent Congressional action. Accordingly, technical defenses might prevent recovery by a school district even if the court concluded that the Executive branch had a statutory duty to spend the appropriation.

WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST,
Assistant Attorney General,
Office of Legal Counsel.

• We understand that the operation of the expenditure limitation imposed by title IV of P.L. 91-47 may require curtailment of certain controllable expenditures. Paradoxically, title IV would not conflict with the increases over budgeted amounts in appropriations provided by the Joelson Amendment, because the expenditure limitation would automatically be adjusted upward. Nevertheless, we are informed that it might prove difficult to comply with title IV without cutting back on expenditure of budgeted funds for P.L. 874 and other Office of Education programs. Whether in such a situation title IV could be viewed as conflicting with and thus superseding the requirements of P.L. 874 depends to a large extent on the Executive's spending options at that time. Two considerations cause us to hesitate to infer from title IV a grant of authority to the President to impound appropriations for formula grants for education. First, title IV. as passed by the Senate, contained specific language permitting the impounding of funds appropriated for formula grants and other mandatory programs, but exempting from this authority education programs. The conference report contained neither the grant of authority nor the exemption. Second, section 406 of the Vocational Education Amendments of 1968 (see p. 6, supra) would conflict with such a grant of authority. and there is legislative history to the effect that title IV was not intended to alter the effect of section 406. See 115 Cong. Rec. $7789-90. Nevertheless, we do not rule out at this time the possibility that in appropriate circumstances title IV might permit the impounding of such funds.

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