restricting the cost and ostentation of funerals'. He himself extolled his own decennial period as one of abundance and flourishing commerce at Athens2. But we learn from others, and the fact is highly probable, that it was a period of distress and humiliation, both at Athens and in other Grecian towns; and that Athenians, as well as others, welcomed new projects of colonization (such as that of Ophellas from Kyrênê) not simply from prospects of advantage, but also as an escape from existing evils3. What forms of nominal democracy were kept up during this interval, we cannot discover. The popular judicature must have been continued for private suits and accusations, since Deinarchus is said to have been in large practice as a logographer, or composer of discourses for others. But the fact 1 Cicero, De Legg. ii. 26, 66; Strabo, ix. p. 398; Pausanias, i. 25, 5. τυραννόν τε ̓Αθηναίοις ἔπραξε γενέσθαι Δημήτριον, &c. Duris ap. Athenæum, xii. 542. Fragm. 27. vol. iii. p. 477. Frag. Hist. Græc. The Phalerean Demetrius composed, among numerous historical, philosophical, and literary works, a narrative of his own decennial administration (Diogenes Laert. v. 5, 9; Strabo, ib.)—ñeρì tĤs dekαerías. The statement of 1200 talents, as the annual revenue handled by Demetrius, deserves little credit. See the Fragment of Demochares, 2; Fragment. Historic. Græc. ed. Didot, vol. ii. p. 448, ap. Polyb. xii. 13. Demochares, nephew of the orator Demosthenes, was the political opponent of Demetrius Phalereus, whom he reproached with these boasts about commercial prosperity, when the liberty and dignity of the city were overthrown. To such boasts of Demetrius Phalereus probably belongs the statement cited from him by Strabo (iii. p. 147) about the laborious works in the Attic mines at Laureium. * Diodor. xx. 40. ὥσθ' ὑπελάμβανον μὴ μόνον ἐγκρατεῖς ἔσεσθαι πολλῶν ἀγαθῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν παρόντων κακῶν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι. Dionys. Halic. Judicium de Dinarcho, p. 633, 634; Plutarch, De that three hundred and sixty statues were erected in honour of Demetrius while his administration was still going on, demonstrates the gross flattery of his partisans, the subjection of the people, and the practical abolition of all free-spoken censure or pronounced opposition. We learn that, in some one of the ten years of his administration, a census was taken of the inhabitants of Attica; and that there were numbered, 21,000 citizens, 10,000 metics, and 400,000 slaves'. Of this important metrius, 10. λόγῳ μὲν ὀλιγαρχικῆς, ἔργῳ δὲ μοναρχικῆς, καταστάσεως γενομένης διὰ τὴν τοῦ Φαληρέως δύναμιν, &c. 1 Ktesikles ap. Athenæum, vi. p. 272. Mr. Fynes Clinton (following Wesseling) supplies the defect in the text of Athenæus, so as to assign the census to the 115th Olympiad. This conjecture may be right, yet the reasons for it are not conclusive. The census may have been either in the 116th, or in the 117th Olympiad; we have no means of determining which. The administration of Phalerean Demetrius covers the ten years between 317 and 307 B.C. (Fast. Hell. Append. p. 388). Mr. Clinton (ad ann. 317 в.c. Fast. Hell.) observes respecting the census- "The 21,000 Athenians express those who had votes in the public assembly, or all the males above the age of twenty years; the 10,000 μéтoikoi described also the males of full age. When the women and children are computed, the total free population will be about 127,660; and 400,000 slaves, added to this total, will give about 527,660 for the total population of Attica." See also the Appendix to F. H. p. 390 seq. This census is a very interesting fact; but our information respecting it is miserably scanty, and Mr. Clinton's interpretation of the different numbers is open to some remark. He cannot be right, I think, in saying-" The 21,000 Athenians express those who had votes in the assembly, or all the males above the age of twenty years." For we are expressly told, that under the administration of Demetrius Phalereus, all persons who did not possess 1000 drachmæ were excluded from the political franchise; and therefore a large number of males above the age of twenty years would have no vote in the assembly. Since the two categories are not coincident, then, to which shall we apply the number 21,000? To those who had votes? Or to the total number of free citizens, voting or not voting, above the age of twenty? The public assembly, during the administration of Demetrius Phalereus, appears to have been of little moment or efficacy; so that a distinct record, of the B.C. 317, autumn. enumeration we know the bare fact, without its special purpose, or even its precise date. Perhaps some of those citizens, who had been banished or deported at the close of the Lamian war, may have returned and continued to reside at Athens. But there still seems to have remained, during all the continuance of the Kassandrian oligarchy, a body of adverse Athenian exiles, watching for an opportunity of overthrowing it, and seeking aid for that purpose from the Etolians and others1. The acquisition of Athens by Kassander, followed Kassander up by his capture of Panaktum and Salamis, and seconded by his moderation towards the Athenians, many cities procured for him considerable support in Pelopon in Pelo ponnesus join him -the Spartans surround their city with walls. number of persons entitled to vote in it, is not likely to have been sought. Then again, Mr. Clinton interprets the three numbers given, upon two principles totally distinct. The two first numbers (citizens and metics), he considers to designate only males of full age; the third number, of oikéral, he considers to include both sexes and all ages. This is a conjecture which I think very doubtful, in the absence of farther knowledge. It implies that the enumerators take account of the slave women and children-but that they take no account of the free women and children, wives and families of the citizens and metics. The number of the free women and children are wholly unrecorded, on Mr. Clinton's supposition. Now if, for the purposes of the census, it was necessary to enumerate the slave women and children-it surely would be not less necessary to enumerate the free women and children. The word oikéraι sometimes means, not slaves only, but the inmates of a family generally-free as well as slave. If such be its meaning here (which however there is not evidence enough to affirm), we eliminate the difficulty of supposing the slave women and children to be enumerated-and the free women and children not to be enumerated. We should be able to reason more confidently, if we knew the purpose for which the census had been taken-whether with a view to military or political measures-to finance and taxation-or to the question of subsistence and importation of foreign corn (see Mr. Clinton's Fast. H. ad ann. 444 B.C., about another census taken in reference to imported corn). 1 See Dionys. Halic. Judic. de Dinarcho, p. 658 Reisk. nesus, whither he proceeded with his army'. Many of the cities, intimidated or persuaded, joined him and deserted Polysperchon; while the Spartans, now feeling for the first time their defenceless condition, thought it prudent to surround their city with walls. This fact, among many others contemporaneous, testifies emphatically, how the characteristic sentiments of the Hellenic autonomous world were now dying out everywhere. The maintenance of Sparta as an unwalled city, was one of the deepest and most cherished of the Lykurgean traditions; a standing proof of the fearless bearing and self-confidence of the Spartans against dangers from without. The erection of the walls showed their own conviction, but too well borne out by the real circumstances around them, that the pressure of the foreigner had become so overwhelming as not to leave them even safety at home. autumn. Feud in the Macedo nian im family to death Philip The warfare between Kassander and Polysperchon B.C. 317, became now embittered by a feud among the members of the Macedonian imperial family. King Philip Aridæus and his wife Eurydikê, alarmed and indig- perial nant at the restoration of Olympias which Poly- Olympias sperchon was projecting, solicited aid from Kas- puts sander, and tried to place the force of Macedonia at Aridaus his disposal. In this however they failed. Olympias, dike-she assisted not only by Polysperchon, but by the Epirotic prince akides, made her entry into Macedonia out of Epirus, apparently in the autumn of 317 B.C. She brought with her Roxana and her child-the widow 1 Diodor. xviii. 75. 2 Justin, xiv. 5; Diodor. xviii. 75; Pausan. vii. 8, 3; Pausanias, i. 25, 5. and Eury reigns in Macedonia: revenge against the Antipater. her bloody partisans of B.C. 316. Kassander passes into -defeats Olympias, and son of Alexander the Great. The Macedonian soldiers, assembled by Philip Aridæus and Eurydikê to resist her, were so overawed by her name and the recollection of Alexander, that they refused to fight, and thus ensured to her an easy victory. Philip and Eurydikê became her prisoners; the former she caused to be slain; to the latter she offered only an option between the sword, the halter, and poison. The old queen next proceeded to satiate her revenge against the family of Antipater. One hundred leading Macedonians, friends of Kassander, were put to death, together with his brother Nikanor1; while the sepulchre of his deceased brother Iollas, accused of having poisoned Alexander the Great, was broken up. During the winter, Olympias remained thus completely predominant in Macedonia; where her posiMacedonia tion seemed strong, since her allies the Etolians were masters of the pass at Thermopyla, while Kassander was kept employed in Peloponnesus by the force under Alexander, son of Polysperchon. Olympias But Kassander, disengaging himself from these and becomes master of the country is besieged in Pydna, captured, and put to death. embarrassments, and eluding Thermopyla by a 1 Diodor. xix. 11; Justin, x. 14, 4; Pausanias, i. 11, 4. up |