Such is the call which, as an American missionary long resident in Japan, I make to the Christians of America on behalf, not of Japan alone, but also all of Asia; nor yet on behalf of Asia alone, but of the whole world, including our own beloved land. For on the right attitude of the West to the East hangs the fate of the whole world for centuries to come:

"Then let us pray that come it may,

As come it will for a' that,

That sense and worth o'er a' the earth
May bear the gree and a' that,

For a' that and a' that,

It's coming yet, for a' that,
That man to man, the world o'er,

Shall brothers be for a' that."

AN AFTER-WORD

The outbreak of war in Europe emphasizes with terrible point the contention that international distrust and animosity lead to such development of armaments that it is only a matter of time till collisions occur. Two years ago the Balkan wars and now the whole European tragedy suggest what may happen fifty or a hundred years hence when Asia, armed and united and filled with fear of and hatred toward the white man, undertakes a war of vengeance and greed, and the white man either defends himself or retaliates.

If the armaments of Europe cannot guarantee peace between its own peoples, how can they guarantee the peace of the world, a world that has acquired the skill and the wealth made possible by modern civilization?

The problem of world peace is the problem, not of peace treaties, arbitration clauses, and Hague Courts, but of mutual good-will and confidence among the nations. And this must now include the nations of Asia. How can this spirit be developed? If Asia fears and distrusts Christendom, Asia will arm. As Asia arms, Christendom will increasingly fear and distrust her. Militarism will grow from decade to decade in every great land until a world conflict will be inevitable.

Does it not follow that the way to establish world peace and to keep Asia from arming is for Christendom to act toward Asia in such ways as to make her trust us? But how can this be accomplished unless we voluntarily do her justice, keep our treaties, and deal with all Asiatics who come to our lands in ways that we ourselves would like to be dealt by?

In a word, the international relations of nations, as of individuals, must be Christian if there is to be world peace and wholesome growth. Nations must not only be just and honest, but they must be kindly and helpful in their international relations. This and this alone will evoke real good-will and mutual trust between nations."

New York, Oct. 1, 1914.

APPENDIX II

A NEW IMMIGRATION POLICY

[The following address was delivered in substance before the Senate committee on Immigration and Naturalization, Jan. 31, 1914, and at their request was written out in full and placed on record. Copies were presented to Secretary of State William J. Bryan and President Woodrow Wilson, both of whom granted Mr. Gulick interviews, February 2, 1914. Viscount Chinda, Ambassador from Japan, also requested copies for transmission to his government in Tokyo. Statements by responsible Japanese warrant the belief that the general policy here outlined, including the restrictions of immigration here proposed, would be quite acceptable to the Japanese, since it is free from invidious race discrimination. This address with the preceding have constituted the substance of the addresses given by Dr. Gulick widely through the country.]

A BRIEF STATEMENT OF THE NEW IMMIGRATION POLICY

America should admit as immigrants only so many aliens from any land as she can assimilate.

Assimilation however takes place largely by means of those already assimilated and naturalized, who know the languages, customs, and ideals of both peoples-ours and theirs.

All immigration should therefore be limited to a definite per cent. (say five) annually from each land of those already assimilated from that land. This rate would allow to enter all who might come from North Europe, would cut down immigration somewhat from South and East Europe, and allow only a slight immigration from Asia. This would avoid the objection of differential treatment of the nations and so be in equal harmony with the dignity of all.

Provision should also be made for the care and rapid assimilation of all who do come to America. It is therefore important to establish

A Bureau of Registration; all aliens to be and to remain registered until they become citizens. The annual registration fee should be, say $10.

Also a Bureau of Education-to set standards, prepare text-books, and hold examinations free of charge. The registration fee should be reduced with every examination passed.

Also a Bureau of Naturalization. Certificates of graduation from the bureau of education and of good behavior from the bureau of registration should be essential to naturalization.

All new citizens should take the oath of allegiance to the flag on the Fourth of July; on which day there should be processions with banners and badges, welcome orations and responses.

Eligibility to American citizenship should be based on personal qualification. The mere fact of race should be neither a qualification nor a disqualification.

Such a policy would completely solve not only the perplexing Japanese problem, but also the dreaded yellow peril and the difficult problems connected with European immigration. It would put America right with all Asia; maintain and deepen our international friendship; and help to promote the uplift of China and secure our share of the enormous commerce which is to develop between China and the West in the near future.

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Senate Committee on Immigration:

I appreciate the honor of this opportunity to present certain considerations bearing upon America's Japanese problem.

In response to Senator Dillingham's request I begin with a few words of a personal nature.

A PERSONAL STATEMENT

For twenty-six years I have been in Japan as a missionary of the American Board of the Congregational Churches. During my first two periods of service (nineteen years), I was engaged in the usual work of a missionary living in the interior. For the last seven years I have been located in Kyoto, having the chair of systematic theology in Doshisha University and also serving as stated lecturer in the Imperial University of Kyoto in the department of comparative religion.

These later years have brought me into contact with leading educators both in Kyoto and also in Tokyo. Because of the part which I took in the discussion which arose in connection with the so-called "Conference of the Three Religions" (February, 1912), really an official reception given by the government to the heads of the twelve Shinto, fifty-four Buddhist, and seven Christian bodies, I was brought into relation with a group of Japan's political leaders. Shortly

after that the "Association Concordia" was organized, consisting of leaders in education, business, and the government, whose aim is the promotion of better mutual knowledge by the East and the West of each other's moral and spiritual life. Being one of the organizers of this association, my acquaintance with Japan's leaders has been somewhat intimate.

I was in Japan when the recent anti-Japanese agitation and legislation took place in California and am familiar with its influence on the feelings of the people of Japan toward America.

As one of the organizers of the Oriental Peace Society of Kyotolater united with the Peace Society of Tokyo to form the Peace Society of Japan, and as one of the vice-presidents from the beginning of the American Peace Society of Japan, I am familiar with the thought of Japanese and Americans who are interested in peace.

I am familiar also with the thought of the American missionaries in Japan-over 900-whose work in proclaiming the gospel is seriously hindered by the rising suspicion and animosity between the two nations. They are deeply concerned not merely because it hampers their work, but still more because racial animosity is itself a contradiction to the central principles of the gospel which proclaims peace, good-will and universal human brotherhood.

Missionaries as individuals and in groups took action at that time, seeking to inform Americans as to the significance and probable result of California's proposed anti-Asiatic legislation. Resolutions and memorials were sent to America by letter and by cable. The Japan Mission of the American Board, for instance, sent a memorial to the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America asking for the appointment of a committee to study the entire Oriental problem from the standpoint of Christian statesmanship, with a view to guiding the churches and the American nation to the adoption of a truly Christian national policy.

Last July (1913) I returned to the States on my furlough. On reaching California, I spent three months studying the situation there. For I felt that only as I knew the facts from both sides-recognizing to the full California's contentions and rights-would I be able to make any contribution to the solution of this most important yet difficult problem. The result of that study is a volume now in the press on The American Japanese Problem, in which I study with some fulness the entire question of the racial relations of the East and the West.

Not long after my arrival in America, I was invited by the secretary of the Federal Council of the Churches to attend a meeting in New York of its Commission on Foreign Missions in order to pre