Steps must be found for inducing the nations to return to China what has been taken from her: Hongkong, Shanghai, Port Arthur, Kiaochow, Wei-hai-wei, Kwangchow. As the decades pass, these foreign-owned ports will become increasing causes of national resentment and indignation.

If China can be given justice by the great nations of the world without being compelled to do so at the point of Chinese bayonets, the great war between the East and West will be averted. If the West forces China into aggressive militarism in order to secure safety and justice, the future of the world is indeed ominous.

Does not the United States have a splendid opportunity for leading the nations into a right attitude toward Japan and China? How can she meet her responsibility and respond to that opportunity unless she first provides for justice in her own relations with Asia?

APPENDIX IV

THE RESPONSIBILITY OF PASTORS

AND EDUCATORS

[The following constitutes the substance of addresses delivered before the Religious Education Association and the National Education Association in the Spring and Summer of 1914.]

The awakening of Asia starts new problems for America. The entire white race, indeed, has already been confronted with a new situation through the emergence of Japan into worldinfluence. The rapid changes now taking place in China are pregnant with meaning, not only for all Asia but for all mankind. The battles of Mukden and the Japan Sea announced to every capital in Christendom that a new era in the relations of the East and the West had begun.

Japan for 250 years feared the white man and his religion. To save herself from the white peril she closed her doors and carried out with vigor the policy of exclusion. When, in the middle of the last century, she suddenly found herself hopelessly belated and at the mercy of the powerful, aggressive white man, after two decades of inner turmoil and finally of revolution over the problem of how to deal with him, she made that momentous decision to learn from him; in a word, to master the sources of his power in order to maintain the independence and integrity of her land, and the perpetuity of her imperial line. For forty years she has followed this new policy, with results which are producing a new epoch in the relations of the races.

The Russo-Japanese War brought not only safety to Japan, but light to China. The magic word had been spoken and all Asia heard. The Manchu dynasty has gone. The characteristic Chinese cue has gone from large sections of the land. Chinese indifference to national disaster is giving place to patriotism. China has definitely entered on that course of national transforma

tion which will bring her increasingly into contact with the West. Many decades, perhaps a century or two, may be needed for her to accomplish what Japan has done in the past half-century. But as surely as the dawn follows the rising of the sun will China acquire our life, become equipped with our civilization, and utilize our methods of government, of industry, of commerce, and of armament. She will become one of the great competing nations of the world. And all the world must reckon with the new worldsituation created by the renaissance of Asia.

This means much for America. Are our relations to Asia to be hostile or friendly? Is the white man going to be an obstacle to her best development, forcing upon her his disastrous militarism? Is he going to yield to Asia only so much of privilege or justice as he is compelled to yield by her military might? For China will arm if she feels, as Japan has felt, that she can secure safety and justice only through military power, and in proportion as Asia arms, every white nation will fear and suspect her and develop each its own bristling armaments. Or, on the contrary, through our sense of justice and our good-will, shall America help Asia? Shall we aid her with chart and compass as she sails the storm-tossed seas on which she has now embarked? Shall we be her friend, to deal justly with her ourselves and see that justice is done her by the other nations of the world?

The attitude which the United States takes to Japan and China in this and the next few decades promises to be epochal in the history of man. And the responsibility for the attainment of the right attitude depends in no small measure on our pastors and churches, on our educators and institutions of learning. The general attitude of our people is to-day one that is based on profound ignorance. It expresses itself in disdain, scorn, misrepresentation. Asiatics are regarded as inferior in race, degraded in character, and unassimilable in nature. We allow no Asiatics to become citizens of America, whatever their personal qualifications. This refusal of rights of naturalization is made the ground of differential race legislation by several states. Such legislation, however, is regarded by Japanese as invidious and humiliating, contrary to the treaties, and in conflict with their national dignity and self-respect.

This is the crux of the so-called Japanese question. This is what caused the Japanese people so much pain and indignation at the recent anti-Asiatic legislation of California. Japan does not ask for an open door for labor immigration. She is widely

misunderstood at this point. She does ask for a square deal on the basis of manhood equality with other races. Her people are not willing to be regarded or treated as an inferior race or as intrinsically undesirable. When China awakes to the situation, she will unquestionably develop the same feelings and make the same appeals as Japan is making to-day.

It is impossible, however, for America to respond to this appeal of the Asiatic for equality of treatment, good-will, and friendship so long as the present conception of the Asiatic and his civilization prevails among us. To admit him to our citizenship is regarded by many as intolerable. We might as well admit baboons or chimpanzees, some are openly saying. Good American citizens, and even Christians who believe in sending missionaries to Asiatics in their own land, regard them with disdain and scorn, holding that they are intrinsically different from us-so different that it is impossible for them ever to enter into our life, understand our civilization, or share with us in this great American experiment in democracy. Such individuals are fond of Kipling's famous ballad:

"Oh, East is East and West is West

And never the twain shall meet,

Till earth and sky stand presently

At God's great judgment seat."

That is to say, East and West are so different that, entirely regardless of the question of inferiority or superiority, these two great sections of the human race cannot possibly mix. The effort to provide for their mingling, they hold, will inevitably end in turmoil and finally in disaster. They forget, however, that Kipling did not stop with the lines they love to quote. Though he well recognized the differences between East and West, he also saw deeper and beyond. For he added in the lines immediately following: "But there is neither East nor West,

Border, nor breed, nor birth

When two strong men stand face to face,

Though they came from the end of the earth."

The fact is that the unities underlying all branches of the human race are far deeper and more real than first appear. The differences are relatively superficial.

Now one of the outstanding duties of all who mold opinion is to study these pressing problems of international life and the new relations necessarily arising through man's recent mastery

of nature and the relative collapse of space. We need to know the facts. Our entire people should be educated on these matters. We must be led by a sane and kindly attitude toward those great civilizations of the Orient and their peoples, not by ignorance and race prejudice.

Our popular attitude toward Asiatics to-day is based on ignorance of the peoples, their history, and their attainments. It is based on a tradition that has come down from the past, a tradition, however, which better knowledge does not justify. Pastors and educators should lead in the overthrow of these race misunderstandings and prejudices which threaten to bring enormous and disastrous consequences to both the East and the West.

The popular view that Asiatics are undesirable because of their absolute non-assimilability is based on assumptions which modern biology, psychology, and sociology, as well as actual experience, show to be quite erroneous. Our pulpits and all institutions of learning should promptly set to work instructing our people on these matters, for they are of highest international importance. The rank and file of our people should no longer be misled by belated conceptions which, though long regarded as scientific, are now seen to be baseless. We are in great danger lest medieval views of race nature and race relations shall plunge us into serious yet needless difficulties.

Modern scholarship has overthrown, to a large degree, the medieval dogmas of theology, rendering thereby an inestimable service to religion. There is crying need that it render the same service to our international life by overthrowing similarly medieval dogmatism as to race nature and race relations.

The peace movements in the countries of Christendom are doing noble work. The wide education of youth in our schools and colleges on peace questions, the work of the American School Peace League, and the Intercollegiate Peace Association with its prize essays and orations, are all promoting conviction as to the folly and wickedness of war and the need of right methods and organizations for the attainment of international justice. They are good so far as they go.

But between the white race and the Asiatic they are doing relatively little. There is urgent need of active steps promoting respect and good-will among us toward the Asiatic. The suggestion of Professor Charles H. Levermore, in his annual report to the trustees of the World Peace Foundation in regard to peace text-books, should be seriously considered. He says: