And this, it seems is what becomes of the knives, and tobacco, and rum, and powder, and guns, which are shipped to the colonies along with emigrants! This is the commerce, by means of which the colonists amass their wealth! Is it indeed so? If not, what is done with these articles of merchandize? This certainly is a matter which needs to be investigated.

(F.)

It will be seen from the whole tenor of my remarks in the lectures, that I have no confidence in the scheme of Colonization. It is proper, to prevent misunderstanding, to make the following brief remarks.

1. I cheerfully admit that the scheme has the confidence of many good men-especially at the North, who, I have no doubt, espouse it from the best of motives. 2. The mere colonizing of colored or white persons, with their own, unconstrained consent, is in itself, a harmless and innocent affair.

3. To plant truly christian colonies, on the coast of Africa, or any where else in this way, is a very laudable enterprise, and I, for one, should be willing to patronize it.

These then are not the reasons of my dissent from the present Colonization scheme. I do dissent however,

1. Because it departs from its design, as expressed in the constitution of the Society, and proposes itself as the remedy for slavery, thus claiming for itself the monopoly of the public confidence and co-operation.

2. Because, thus departing, it promises what it can never perform-viz. remedy slavery. In proposing to remedy slavery by transportation, or by the moral influence of such a physical operation, it proposes a physical impossibility. Make what arithmetical calculations you please, and yet, it is everlasting truth, the project is Utopian. You might as soon think to remove all the 'ring-straked, speckled and grisled' cattle from

the land, by the mere process of colonizing, with their own consent, those only, of these classes, that run at large and have no master. Emigration does not depopulate. Every emigrant, but makes room for another, to occupy his place. For aught I know, there are as many Irishmen in Ireland now, as when she first began to pour her thousands of emigrants into America. You can never put a stop to increase-never extirpate a race by mere voluntary emigration. So far from it, emigration does but quicken increase, and cause the race, that is thus spreading itself, to strike its roots deeper and deeper in its native soil. And the same or similar causes, which prevent an English population from rushing in and crowding out the Irish, as emigration goes on from Ireland, will operate to prevent a white population from rushing in to take the place of the colored, as emigration may go forward from the Southern States. The white population may and doubtless will drive the colored into the more Southern States and concentrate it there; but when thus concentrated, as is now extensively the fact, then the more brisk voluntary emigration, the more brisk the increase. This will hold as true of them, as of Ireland or New-England. Pray, how has it happened that emigration has not extirpated the Yankees; or at least caused the Irish, or the Dutch or some other population to come in and supplant them? It is nonsense then-it is contrary to all the laws of increase to suppose that a race of men are to be extirpated by mere voluntary emigration; and as to any other, the present scheme of colonizing, professedly at least, disavows it.

3. Because it does not promise even, to remedy slavery short of one or two hundred years; and for one, I hope to see the millenium come before that time.

4. Because it stands in the way of other and more efficient schemes of remedy. This it does by taking the ground of gradual emancipation, and claiming, at the same time, to be the only practicable scheme. Suppose a national temperance society organized on the principle of moderate use, claiming to itself that this is

only feasible or correct principle of reform, secur

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ing to itself the sanction of the great and the good throughout the land, the votes of legislatures, ecclesiastical bodies, &c. &c., thus thrusting itself upon the attention, and monopolizing to itself the confidence of the public mind, as being the great national measure for the remedy of intemperance--who so blind as not to see, that it must, of necessity, stand in the way of all other measures?-that so long as the public mind rests in this as the great, the national, the only practicable measure, it is lulled to sleep, and cannot be aroused to any other? The analogy is perfect.

5. Because it puts public sentiment back instead of advancing it. This it does in the way just specified. It makes up the public mind to the position, that this is the only practicable method of reaching the difficulty, and though the process be slow and its accomplishment distant, it yet causes it to believe and rest in the belief, that nothing more rapid is practicable. In this way it puts the public mind to rest, lulls its conscience to sleep, and whether intentionally or not, does in point of fact lower the tone of feeling and put back public sentiment on the subject.

Nor is this mere 'a priori' inference. I have documents on hand which demonstrate, that the tone of public sentiment on the subject of slavery was higher, thirty and forty and even ten years ago, than it was a year since-before the anti-slavery discussions came up. They used to speak of slavery as a SIN. Take the following facts as proof.

As long ago as 1790, there were quite a number of Abolition Societies organized in different parts of the United States. They were called Societies for the 'Abolition of Slavery, &c. &c.' They seem to have aimed at the abolition of slavery as their main and ultimate object, and this in three distinct ways, (1), and mainly, by aiming at the abolition of the slave-trade; (2), by attempting the release of persons who were kidnapped, or otherwise illegally held in bondage; and (3) by endeavoring the elevation of the colored people, by schools, &c. &c. Accordingly, in 1790, they pre

sented various petitions to Congress praying for the abolition of the slave-trade. In them however, they incidentally give us their views of slavery itself. Take the following extracts as illustrations. "To the Honorable the Senate, &c. "The Petition, &c.,

'Humbly sheweth,

"That, from a sober conviction of the unrighteousness of slavery, your petitioners have long beheld, with grief, a considerable number of our fellow men doomed to perpetual bondage, in a country which boasts of her freedom.'

'Your petitioners are fully of opinion, that calm reflection will at last convince the world, that the whole system of African slavery is unjust in its nature-impolitic in its principles and, in its consequences, ruinous to the industry and enterprise of the citizens of these States.

'From a conviction of these truths, your petitioners were led, by motives, we conceive, of general philanthrophy, to associate ourselves for the protection and assistance of this unfortunate part of our fellow-men; and, though this society has been lately established, it has now become generally extensive through this state, and, we fully believe, embraces, on this subject, the sentiments of a large majority of its citizens.'

[Signed] 'In the name, and by order, of the Connecticut Society for the promotion of freedom, &c. EZRA STILES, President of said Society.

SIMEON BALDWIN, Secretary.

New-Haven, Jan. 7, 1791.'

The Memorial of the Pennsylvania Society, has the following.

'We wish not to trespass upon your time, by refering to the different declarations made by Congress on the unalienable right of all men to equal liberty; neither would we attempt, in this place, to point out the inconsistency of extending freedom to a part only of the human race.'

Again:

"The Memorial of the subscribers, formed into a Society for the Abolition of Slavery, &c. in BALTIMORE: Respectfully sheweth,

"That the objects of their association are founded in reason and humanity. That, in addition to an avowed enmity to slavery in every form, your memorialists, in their exertions, contemplate a melioration of the condition of that unhappy part of the human race who are doomed to fill the degraded rank of slaves in our country, and a protection of the unhappy sons of Africa, who are entitled to liberty, but unjustly deprived of it.'

'It is no less painful to know, than to communicate to your honorable body, that a traffic so degrading to the rights of man, and so repugnant to reason and religion, as that in human flesh, is carried on by the free citizens of these free governments, for the supply of foreigners-thus exhibiting to the world the curious and horrid spectacle, of liberty supporting slaveryand the successful asserter of his own rights, the unprovoked and cruel invader of the rights of others.' And farther;

"The Memorial of the Virginia Society, for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, &c.

'Respectfully sheweth,

"That your Memorialists, fully believing that "righteousness exalteth a nation," and that slavery is not only an odious degradation, but an outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the gospel, which breathes" peace on earth, good will to men;" they lament that a practice, so inconsistent with true policy and the unalienable rights of men, should subsist in so enlightened an age, and among a people professing, that all mankind are, by nature, equally entitled to freedom.'

Take another illustration of the sentiment prevalent on the subject at that time. On the 15th of September of the same year, the younger Edwards, then pas