infatuation under which he seems to act, owing, no doubt, to the infinence artful and designing men have obtained over him. In almost every paragraph he writes, something can be found to take from the high character we were generally disposed to ascribe to him. Look at his statement, even now, in relation to Col. Peyton's conduct relative to the Cherokee treaty. He set out in the first instance, by asserting that Col. Peyton both spoke and voted against an appropriation to carry it into effect. He was told by those who knew better, and in whom he ought to have confided, that he was misinformed, that Col. Peyton had not only voted for, but had made an excellent speech in favor of the appropriation. He still persisted in a repetition of his assertions, and even now, after he, and every other intelligent man, ought to be possessed of the most authentic information, proving his error; he persists in asserting to the world that although Mr. Peyton voted for the appropriation, he had made an argument against it. If any member of Congress has practised upon his credulity, and caused him to be the retailer of such à glaring mistake, his name ought to be known, that he might be shunned by every honorable man.

The General supposes that Mr. Wise and Colonel Peyton, who were my messmates and friends, were stimulated and advised by me to pursue the course which they did in Congress. I do not think hard of this suspicion, although it is unfounded in fact, and both these gentlemen know it, yet we were messmates for the two last winters, and I am proud to believe I had their most sincere friendship. They certainly had mine. The General ought, in charity to the country, to believe that there are yet some few men, who would not be dictated to in the discharge of their public duties, by either him or myself. Wise and Peyton are two of them; talented, well-informed, honest, bold, and men who fearlessly discharged their whole duty, in defiance of all the calumnies of degraded and hired presses, the frowns of those who sat in high places, and even the statements of the Chief Magistrate himself, that they ought to be "Houstonized."

Their names will be hailed as the dauntless friends and champions of civil liberty, in after times, when the political course of some of their revilers will be spoken of, as the severest affliction with which our beloved country has ever been visited. To have obtained the friendship of such men, is one of the most prized achievements of my whole life. Their course relative to the investigations spoken of, was the dictate of . their own judgment. Their country ought to thank them for it. They have elicited enough to show fuller investigations are necessary, that something is probably wrong, otherwise so many obstructions would not have been thrown in the way of ascertaining truth; and when we shall have a Chief Magistrate who will lend his aid to a fair and faithful investigation, I firmly believe it will be found the public has been deceived and

injured to an extent of which not one citizen in one thousand has any conception.

For myself, I most solemnly declare, I have not either in the Senate, or elsewhere, uttered one sentence relative to the supposed abuses which I did not know or believe to be true; and if after a thorough investigation, by. an impartial, not a packed committee, it can be shown that my suspicions are unfounded-I would consider it one of my first duties, publicly to acknowledge my error.

The General at the close of his address intimates that he has attained an advanced age, has infirm health and desires repose. Why, then, the statements before leaving Washington, that he intended to feast this summer upon John Bell and myself that Tennessee should stand erect, in her politics, in less than six months?

As I believe, he has come home determined to destroy every man who dared to differ with him in opinon as to his successor, and that is the experiment he is now making. If it be his will, let him proceed. Angry discussion can never add to my comfort, it may to his. Our temperament and aim are, as I believe, a little different. I endeavor to take facts as I know or believe them to exist, and meet all the responsibility they justly throw upon me. In the temper he now is, and with enfeebled faculties, he views everything as an enemy that stands in the road of his ambition. He personifies truth, justice and everything else which obstructs his course, and attacks them with all that gallantry, with which he assails political or personal opponents. He has determined he will die having the character of à great man. While my highest ambition is to die conscious that I deserve the reputation of an honest one.

July 12, 1887.

Your fellow citizen,

HUGH L. WHITE.

JACKSON, July 1st, 1887.

DEAR SIR: Upon reading Gen. Jackson's review of your testimony, I discovered that it seems to be considered a matter of importance in regard to the place where you made the speech, in which you alluded to the statement of O'Brien. I had not your speech before me at Washington city, when I addressed Gen. Jackson upon that subject, consequently I had to depend upon recollection only as to the place. Since I came home I have had reference to your speech, and find it was delivered at Knoxville, instead of Jonesboro', as I had first supposed, when my letter to the General was written. This may serve to correct the mistake by me in this particular.

With much respect, yours,

A. HUNTSMAN.

HON. HU. L.. WHITE

This reply, addressed to the freemen of Tennessee, was reckoned a satisfactory disposal of the charges mentioned in it. We add a letter addressed to its author in reference to it, shortly after its publication:

"I hope to meet you at the opening of the special session of Congress; but I cannot without violence to my feelings permit the occasion to pass, without thanking you most sincerely for your masterly 'Address to the Freemen of Tennessee.' The ex-president has at no time, nor by any person, been so severely handled, and so fully exposed. I think he will be advised not to enter the field of controversy again with you, hereafter. You have done no more than justice to Mr. Clayton, in the part he took in the passage of the Compromise Bill. I was advised from day to day of every important proposition that was made in the committee, and out of it; and I say without hesitation, that if Mr. Clayton had not been on the committee, the Compromise Bill would not have passed.

* * *

"His geographical residence gave him an influence over both the Northern and the Southern members; but aside from this, there was no man, in or out of Congress, within my knowledge, so well calculated to conciliate the contending parties and interests on that great and momentous occasion, involving the fate of the nation, as was Mr. Clayton.

"His intelligence, his pure intentions, his firmness, his urbane manners, his enlarged national views, and his talents, rarely equalled, qualified him for that occasion. All the faculties of his mind were brought into exercise; for on the fate of the compromise depended, in his judgment, the fate of the Union.

*

*

"Gen. Jackson did not wish any compromise of the question. He had no personal objection to Mr. Clayton, as a member of the committee, and in sending to you, he was influenced by a third person, who was hostile to Mr. Clayton.

"The President wished an opportunity to subdue the disaffected in South Carolina, and then it was his intention to propitiate the South by reducing the Tariff at once. The bill gained strength from a desire to defeat his intentions in both particulars mentioned.

Very sincerely and respectfully yours,
E. WHITTLESEY."

1

CHAPTER XV.

CANVASS WITH MR. VAN BUREN.

THE estimate placed upon Judge White's character and services by his State and his country is evidenced by the movement in favor of his election to the Presidency; for he did not become a candidate voluntarily.

There was a strong wish on the part of the Tennessee legislature, in 1833, to nominate him for that high office, but he withheld his assent, and took pains to discourage the movement, and even went so far as to leave it in charge with some of his friends in that body to prevent such a nomination, if attempted in his absence. After his name had been freely used in other parts of the country, the meeting of the Tennessee delegates took place in Washington city. This was not a movement exclusively on the part of his Tennessee friends. At the time, they supposed, and had a right to believe, that he could and would be successfully sustained, and that his Presidency would be the inauguration of a new era in the government. At the time they moved in his behalf, they had assurances of many, not to say of all the leading Jackson men, in every Southern State, that he would be supported. Some of them were a little coy, but still they were relied on, and encouraged the movement.

Judge White was known to have been opposed to all the leading. measures and policy of the whigs of the Northern States. He was the friend of Gen. Jackson, had supported all his leading measures, and it was not natural to suppose that he would detach himself from his fortunes. This point was fully discussed between them and his friends, and was an obstacle to their support; but it was conceded by all that he was a safe man, without intrigue or management, and as his course had always been dignified and liberal towards them, they were resolved to overlook this objection to him, as they greatly pre

ferred him to Mr. Van Buren. The main reliance, however, was upon the South, which there was every reason to calculate would be united. A few States at the North, or even one large State there would thus have secured his election. That many in that section were casting their eyes hopefully toward Judge White as a pure and available candidate, may be inferred from various letters received by him about this period. One from Condy Raguet, has already been given. Below follows an extract from another, which may be considered at its date (whatever artificial direction may afterwards have been given to popular feeling), to have represented the sentiments of no small number of true and honest men.

DORCHESTER, Apr. 27, 1884.

Will you permit me to add, sir, that your opinions and sentiments in reference to the topics of these pamphlets [sent with the letter] will be received with great respect by all who are interested in them; and that a personal visit to Massachusetts by you, would afford the highest gratification to some of her citizens. There are some, if not many, who are seeking for an individual on whom to bestow their suffrages, whose moral and political character will furnish a guaranty of the perpetuation of what still remains of the patrimony of liberty, and who will firmly resist those intrigues and blandishments which have sometimes seduced those we had confided in, from the paths of Constitutional Republicanism.

With great respect, &c.,

SAMUEL WHITCOMB, JR.

Of Judge White's answer to this letter-an answer containing no reference to the suggestions just given, but discussing some remarks on Labor, Capital and Society in a former portion of it--we give a portion, valuable for clear views and strong good sense.

We need but one distinction in our society, and that ought never to be lost sight of. It is the distinction between vice and virtue. If a man's occupation is lawful, useful to himself and his fellow-men, hoṇestly and diligently followed, he ought to be esteemed respectable; every one ought to be pleased with his prosperity; and the road to trust and honor ought always be open to him. We know, however, in fact, that those who own capital are always seeking profitable investments for it; that the owners have acted, and will act in concert, and that by doing so, they have more actual influence in directing all the operations of goy