Yes, it will, unless the capitalist encirclement is liquidated, and unless the danger of foreign military attack has disappeared. Naturally, of course, the forms of our state will again change in conformity with the change in the situation at home and abroad.

No, it will not remain and will atrophy if the capitalist encirclement is liquidated and a Socialist encirclement takes its place.

That is how the question stands with regard to the Socialist state.

THE MEANING OF THE SOVIET-GERMAN NONAGGRESSION PACT BY MOLOTOV, AUGUST 31,

1939

Exposing the hullabaloo raised in the British, French, and American press about Germany's “plans" for the seizure of the Soviet Ukraine, Stalin said: "It looks as if the object of this suspicious hullabaloo was to incense the Soviet Union against Germany, to poison the atmosphere and to provoke a conflict with Germany without any visible grounds." (Joseph Stalin. From Socialism to Communism in the Soviet Union, p. 14, International Publishers, New York.)

As you see, Stalin hit the nail on the head when he exposed the machinations of the Western European politicians who were trying to set Germany and the Soviet Union at loggerheads.

It must be confessed that there were some short-sighted people even in our own country who, carried away by oversimplified antifascist propaganda, forgot about this provocative work of our enemies. Mindful of this, Stalin even then suggested the possibility of other, unhostile, good-neighborly relations between Germany and the U. S. S. R. It can now be seen that on the whole Germany correctly understood these statements of Stalin and drew practical conclusions from them. (Laughter.) The conclusion of the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact shows that Stalin's historic prevision has been brilliantly confirmed. (Loud applause.)

In the spring of this year the German Government made a proposal to resume commercial and credit negotiations. Soon after, the negotiations were resumed. By making mutual concessions, we succeeded in reaching an agreement. As you know, this agreement was signed on August 19. This is not the first commercial and credit agreement concluded with Germany under her present government.

August 23, 1939, the day the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact was signed, is to be regarded as a date of great historical importance. The NonAggression Pact between the U. S. S. R. and Germany marks a turning point in the history of Europe, and not only of Europe. Only yesterday the German fascists were pursuing a foreign policy hostile to us. Yes, only yesterday we were enemies in the sphere of foreign relations. Today, however, the situation has changed and we are enemies no longer.

Finally, there are wiseacres who construe from the pact more than is written in it. (Laughter.) For this purpose, all kinds of conjectures and hints are mooted in order to cast doubt on the pact in one or another country. But all this merely speaks for the hopeless impotence of the enemies of the pact who are exposing themselves more and more as enemies of both the Soviet Union and Germany, striving to provoke war between these countries.

We can understand why this policy is being pursued by out-and-out imperialists. But we cannot ignore such facts as the especial zeal with which some leaders of the Socialist Parties of Great Britain and France have recently distinguished themselves in this matter. And these gentlemen have really gone the whole hog, and no mistake. (Laughter.) These people positively demand that the U. S. S. R. get itself involved in war against Germany on the side of Great Britain. Have not these rabid warmongers taken leave of their senses? (Laughter.)

The Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact spells a new turn in the development of Europe, a turn towards improvement of relations between the two largest states of Europe. This pact not only eliminates the menace of war with Germany, narrows down the zone of possible hostilities in Europe, and serves thereby the cause of universal peace: it must open to us new possibilities of increasing our strength, of further consolidation of our position, of further growth of the influence of the Soviet Union on international developments.

There is no need to dwell here on the separate clauses of the pact. The Council of People's Commissars has reason to hope that the pact will meet with your approval as a document of cardinal importance to the U. S. S. R. (Applause.)

THE DISSOLUTION OF THE COMINTERN, MAY 22, 1943

Nations in two groups

The World War that the Hitlerites have let loose has still further sharpened the differences in the situation of the separate countries and has placed a deep dividing line between those countries that fell under the Hitlerite tyranny and those freedom-loving peoples who have united in a powerful anti-Hitlerite coalition.

In countries of the Hitlerite bloc the fundamental task of the working class, toilers and all honest people, consists in giving all help for the defeat of this bloc by sabotage of the Hitlerite military machine from within and by helping to overthrow the governments guilty of war.

In countries of the anti-Hitlerite coalition the sacred duty of the widest masses of the people, and in the first place of foremost workers, consists in aiding by every means the military efforts of the governments of these countries aimed at the speediest defeat of the Hitlerite bloc and the assurance of the friendship of nations based on their equality.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COMINFORM, OCTOBER 5, 1947 (PUBLICATION DATE)

Text of resolution

Because of this, members of the conference agreed on the following: First, to set up an Information Bureau of representatives of the Communist party of Yugoslavia, the Bulgarian Workers party (of Communists) of Rumania, the Hungarian Communist party, the Polish Workers party, the All-Union Communist party (bolshevik), the Communist party of France, the Communist party of Czechoslovak, the Communist party of Italy.

Second, the task given to the Information Bureau is to organize and exchange experience and, in case of necessity, coordinate the activity of Communist parties on foundations of mutual agreement.

Says war aims differed

The arsenal of tactical weapons used by the imperialistic camp is further very complex. It combines direct threats of force, blackmail, and intimidation, all sorts of political tricks and economic pressure, bribery, the using for its own ends of conflicting interests and disagreements with the aim of strengthening its position, and all that is camouflaged by a mask of liberalism and pacificism in order to deceive and befuddle people not too dexterous in politics."

The tasks of the Communist Parties in uniting the democratic, anti-fascist, peaceloving elements to resist the new plans of war and aggression

(Conclusion. Beginning on pp. 2, 3)

The dissolution of the Comintern, which conformed to the demands of the development of the labour movement in the new historical situation, played a positive role. The dissolution of the Comintern once and for all disposed of the slanderous allegation of the enemies of Communism and the labour movement that Moscow was interfering in the internal affairs of other states, and that the Communist Parties in the various countries were acting not in the interests of their nations, but on orders from outside.

But the present position of the Communist Parties has its shortcomings. Some comrades understood the dissolution of the Comintern to imply the elimination of all ties, of all contact, between the fraternal Communist Parties. But experience has shown that such mutual isolation of the Communist Parties is wrong, harmful and, in point of fact, unnatural. The Communist movement develops within national frameworks, but there are tasks and interests common to the parties of various countries.

In view of the fact that the majority of the leaders of the Socialist parties (especially the British Labourites and the French Socialists) are acting as agents of United States imperialist circles, there has devolved upon the Communists the special historical task of leading the resistance to the American plan for the enthrallment of Europe, and of boldly denouncing all coadjutors of American imperialism in their own countries. At the same time, Communists must support all the really patriotic elements who do not want their countries to be imposed upon, who want to resist enthrallment of their countries to foreign

11 Note aptness as description of Soviet imperialist tactics through Communists and fellow travelers. (Comment by witness.)

capital, and to uphold their national sovereignty. The Communists must be the leaders in enlisting all anti-fascist and freedom-loving elements in the struggle against the new American expansionist plans for the enslavement of Europe. . .

PROTOCOL M, JANUARY 15, 1948 (PUBLICATION DATE)

[NOTE. This document was released by British authorities on January 15, 1948. It is ostensibly a plan of action for the German Communists, providing for their special role in the struggle against "enslavement" by the United States. It establishes a timetable, and names the Ruhr as the key to European production. It was issued as genuine, and there is nothing in its general contents to cast doubt upon it.]

The centers of the mass struggle are:

(a) The Ruhr district and its production.

(b) Means of transport in nortwest Germany.

For tactical purposes it is necessary that the comrade functionaries are not in the front line in the impending outbreak of strikes. It must be insured, however, that in accordance with plan "A" the workers' risings occur simultaneously in transport and productive concerns. The trades unions of the transport mental workers will carry out the succession of strikes.

The party must refrain from direct participation under all circumstances. It must take into account that the military authorities will attempt to liquidate the party. It is therefore necessary to implement the new organization as soon as possible.

In the light of previous experience it must be taken into account that Ruhr workers, owing to the considerable privileges which they enjoy, will reject the idea of strikes from opportunist motives. Here the transport worker must play his part.

From the organizational point of view the center of gravity is in the Metal Workers Union. In this connection the possession or at least the control of all union treasuries must not be overlooked. Up to now almost all attempts to achieve this aim have been in vain. Should it not be possible to win over sufficient agents "vertauensleute" in the time remaining, then steps must be taken to insure that these tasks can be carried out by Social Democrat members.

In this case the party has the task by means of agitation of impeding the freedom of action of [Dr. Kurt] Schumacher's followers so that the "R men' 'below can adhere to the timetable. The unity of the working class must be achieved at once even if it means the elimination of over-all power. * * *

The propaganda agitation will be conducted uniformly by the Central Executive Committee. It has the following aims:

(a) The Marshall Plan is a plan of enslavement by the monopoly capitalists of the U. S. A.

(b) The strikes in all monopoly capitalist controlled countries are signs of the increasing decay of the capitalist society.

(c) The steady and constantly progressing development of the Eastern European economy under the protection of the Soviet Union.

Press polemics must make use of all protests against the dismantling in the West, which are made by non-Communists. They are a means of creating and protecting the capitalists controlled markets of the future. As the prohibition of

all party organs in West Germany must be reckoned with, radio stations and a developed courier net will insure a constant supply of propaganda and information material. It must be guaranteed that all receiving sets are installed in good time and in secure places.

. . . The agitation cadres (agitation kaders) 7, 11, and 14 are entrusted with popularizing a plebiscite and the socialization of the Ruhr. It is necessary that this be used as a common basis for initiating a campaign of demonstrations in connection with the SPD.

The unity of the working class will be furthered through united propaganda for a plebiscite. It is altogether in the interests of the central executive committee if, to begin with, the SPD occupy the important positions in a United Action Committee.

Timetable

(a) Until the end of December the achievement of a common SPD-KPD basis to bring about a plebiscite.

(b) Until the end of February through organization of strike "cadres." (c) From the beginning of March the organization of general strikes.

The timetable can be altered according to the situation. The Central Executive Committee is in permanent session and will always be in a position to supplement or enlarge upon the timetable.

Supervision is in the hands of "M. A-cadre." And "47,109" apply to these. It must guarantee that comrade functionaries obey all orders of the cadres in every case and instantly.

V. I. Lenin. "The man who places at the top of his program political mass agitation embracing all the people before even his tactics and organization runs the least risk of missing the revolution."

AFTER RECESS

Mr. NIXON. The committee will come to order.

Mr. Stripling, will you call the first witness? Before you do that, however, let the record show at this point that the following members are present:

Mr. McDowell, Mr. Vail, Mr. Peterson, and Mr. Nixon.

A quorum is present.

Mr. STRIPLING. Mr. William Z. Foster.

(No response.)

Mr. STRIPLING. Mr. Foster?

Mr. DAVIS. Mr. Foster is not here. I am Councilman Davis, of New York, and I would like to represent the Communist Party in his stead.

Mr. NIXON. Are you here to speak for Mr. Foster?

Mr. DAVIS. I am here to speak for the Communist Party, and I have credentials indicating that I have been duly chosen by the leading committee of the Communist Party.

Mr. NIXON. I see. Will you please raise your right hand?

Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you are about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?

Mr. Davis. I do.

Mr. NIXON. Be seated, please.

Will you identify the witness for the purposes of the record, Mr. Stripling?

Mr. STRIPLING. Will you please state your full name and present address?

TESTIMONY OF BENJAMIN J. DAVIS, MEMBER OF THE CITY COUNCIL OF NEW YORK AND NATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES

Mr. DAVIS. My name is Benjamin J. Davis, and my address is 1 West One Hundred and Twenty-sixth Street in New York City. Mr. STRIPLING. When and where were you born?

Mr. DAVIS. I was born in Dawson, Ga.

Mr. STRIPLING. What year?

Mr. DAVIS. 1903.

Mr. STRIPLING. What position do you hold with the Communist Party?

Mr. DAVIS. I am a member of the national committee of the Communist Party and of its national executive board.

Mr. STRIPLING. How long have you been a member of its executive board?

71315-48-29

Mr. DAVIS. For approximately 4 years.

Mr. STRIPLING. You are appearing here today as a representative of the Communist Party?

Mr. DAVIS. I am.

Mr. STRIPLING. To speak for and in behalf of it?

Mr. DAVIS. That is right.

Mr. STRIPLING. Do you have a prepared statement?

Mr. DAVIS. I do.

Mr. STRIPLING. You will then read your statement at this time. Mr. DAVIS. Yes.

My name is Benjamin J. Davis. I am a member of the City Council of New York and of the national committee of the Communist Party. I am here representing the Communist Party.

There have been introduced in the House some 13 or more bills which in effect propose to outlaw the Communist Party and drastically curtail the political rights of all Americans.

All legislation, Federal or State, which seeks in any way to place discriminatory restrictions on the Communist Party is on its face unconstitutional. Against his will Attorney General Tom Clark, a poll taxer from Texas, was obliged to admit as much to this committee.

For the same reason the judiciary committee of the New York State Assembly on February 3 unanimously rejected the Austin bill, which embodies the Morris Ernst proposal that all organizations "influencing public opinion" be required to register their membership and sources of funds.

This action should mark the end of trickery of the Ernst type, which sought to outlaw the Communist Party in fact while giving a pretense of keeping within constitutional bounds.

The Communist Party is a legal political party. Through the campaigns of our candidates for public office, our press, and all democratic forms of mass political action we present our immediate program for checking the forces of war and fascism and defending the democratic rights and living standards of the American people.

I would like to interpolate here that I, as a member of the Communist Party and a member of the City Council of the City of New York, will place my record against the record of any member of the committee in connection with serving the cause of democracy in this country.

We make no secret of our Marxist views, or of our conviction that the American people, in their own way and in their own time, will at some future date seek a Socialist solution of their problems.

The preamble to our Communist Party constitution states, and I quote:

The Communist Party of the United States is the political party of the American working class, basing itself upon the principles of scientific socialism, Marxism-Leninism. It champions the immediate and fundamental interests of the workers, farmers, and all who labor by hand and brain against capitalistic exploitation and oppression. As the advanced party of the working class, it stands in the forefront of this struggle.

The Communist Party upholds the achievements of American democracy and defends the United States Constitution and its bill of rights against its reactionary enemies who would destroy democracy and popular liberties. It uncompromisingly fights against imperialism and colonial oppression, against racial, national, and religious discrimination, against Jim Crowism, anti-Semitism, and all forms of chauvinism.