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On the most populated street in one of the sections which were designated slum areas, 55 percent of the families owned their homes free of debt. The areas are very sparsely occupied. There is no such thing as crowding in any sense. Maybe there were social diseases in those areas. But according to my experience syphilis and gonorrhea were no more prevelant in those parts than in the other sections of Marion.

How did the local stooges of the United States Housing Authority find out that there were social diseases in those areas? tioned on that point they replied that their information was given them by the local board of health. That was a falsehood, because it so happened that I was president of the Marion City Board of Health at that time, of which they were not even aware when they made this slanderous attack, and I know that no one on the board gave out any such information or was in a position to do so.

When the persons who were responsible for this vicious conduct were driven by a self-respecting and righteously indignant people into a position of defense, their answer was, “We just followed instructions from Washington.” Of course, Washington is the only source from which such evil work as this can come.

There was no slum in Marion then and there is none there now. I would to God that we had in Washington the willingness to earn an honest living and the integrity that prevails in those sections in Marion Ohio, that were designated by the Federal housing bureaucracy as slum areas. If we had, the threat of communism that now so ominously stalks before us would not exist.

I was hailed before the Ohio State Housing Board, not to explain my opposition to the scheme but to be told that as mayor of Marion I had no authority in the matter. I was given to understand that the determination of the placing of these political housing projects was no concern of any little mayor. That was a matter for the great United States Housing Authority, acting through the State Housing Authority, to decide.

The upshot of it all was no sale. The citizens of Marion refused to sell their souls for a mess of political pottage. Marion was saved from one of the worst political blights that ever struck any nation.

The United States Housing Act of 1937, of which H. R. 4009 is mainly an extension, is the most deceptive and dishonest piece of legislation on our statute books, and there are many dishonest and deceptive laws on them. The promoters of the scheme deliberately give out the impression that these houses are built for the people living in slum areas and the poorest people generally. That is a falsehood of the first water. Mr. Thomas Danahey, at one time president of the Detroit Housing Commission, forthrightly and truly stated the facts. He said:

In the first place, it must be made clear that they (the housing projects) will not be rented to slum residents or welfare clients. The tenants in these buildings will be people with definite minimum incomes and to be eligible to move in they must prove that their incomes are steady. There seems to be an impression that the slum residents are going to take over the buildings. Such is not the case.

I showed in testimony given before the House Committee on Banking and Currency in 1939, as appears in the Congressional Record of July 24 of that year, page 13827, from data obtained from eight housing projects in New York, Texas, and Florida, the only such

data that I was able to obtain, although I requested the same from many other local housing athorities, that only about 17 percent of the families eligible for occupying the dwellings in those projects were of the lower third income group, and nearly all of them were from the uppermost part of that group.

More than 80 percent of the families living in the above-indicated projects were from the middle income third, some even from the upper income third.

From information that I have been able to obtain, it would appear that the situation is more unfavorable to the lower third income group now than it was at that time, In fact, it is generally known by all in possession of the facts that so-called Federal low rent housing is available only to persons of a substantial income, and that it is definitely not available to the really poor people. The arrangement was definitely so planned.

After all, there is more political gravy to be had from the housing of a group with a substantial income than there is from poorhouses.

The United States Housing Act of 1937, together with the several State laws creating so-called local housing authorities, could not possibly have been devised by anyone who believes in the American tradition of freedom.' Only alien-minded persons who adhere to the Marxian philosophy could have done this.

Take a look at the State laws pertaining to the subject. In substance they are all substantially alike and must have been written by the same hand.

Once the local housing authority is established, it becomes a body “corporate and politic" over which the municipality loses much if not all of its authority.

Section 1078-34-A, of Ohio General Code: the governing body, chairman, and counsel of the housing authority shall perform the duties of the municipal council, mayor, and solicitor, respectively and the members of the housing authority shall, and are hereby authorized, to exercise and carry out all other powers and duties conferred upon officers of municipal corporations by the laws providing for such appropriation proceedings.

Section 1078-34:

An authority created under this Act shall constitute a body corporate and politic,

shall have the following powers in addition to others herein specifically granted: b. To determine what areas constitute slum areas

and to prepare plans for housing projects in such areas; to purchase, lease, sell, exchange, transfer, assign, or mortgage any property, real or personal, or any interest therein, or acquire the same by gift, bequest, or eminent domain.

Practically all the State laws make the local housing authority a "body corporate and politic,” so that it becomes a distinct and independent municipality or political subdivision within a municipality or a political subdivision. The Illinois law specifically provides

An authority shall be a municipal corporation and shall constitute a body both corporate and politic, exercising public and essential governmental functions.

Under the United States Housing Act the following agreement was entered into between the city and the local housing authority, that is between the city and the United States Housing Authority which is what it really amounted to on final analysis.

The city agrees that, during the period commencing with the date of the acquisition of any part of the site or sites for each project and continuing throughout the


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useful life of such project, it will not levy, impose, or charge any taxes, special assessinents,

service fees, charges, or tolls against the project or against the authority, and will furnish, without cost or charge to the authority or the tenants thereof, municipal services and facilities for such project and the tenants thereof, of the same character as those furnished without cost or charge for other dwellings and inhabitants in the city, including but not limited to:

* fire, police, and health protection and services, street maintenance, snow removal, garbage, trash, and ash collection and disposal, street lighting on public streets within any project and on the boundaries thereof, and sewer services; that it will maintain in good repair and working order any and all municipal utilities and facilities, provided by it for the use and benefit of each project and the tenants thereof; and that it will maintain in good repair, streets, roads, and alleys which are within, adjacent, or leading to the boundaries of each project.

Thus it will be seen that so-called Federal low-rent housing projects are foreign bodies, Communist plants, in the municipalities where they are located and simulate in a marked degree cancerous growths in the human organism.

Political ownership or control, these are tantamount to the same thing, is the ultima ratio, the clinching force, for the sustentation of communism. The extent of the development of communism in any country can be measured by determining the amount of political control that is exercised over the provisioning of the materials, financing, constructions, etc., of houses and their disposition.

Measured by this yardstick it will be seen that this native land of ours is already far down the road of Marxism. Consider the enormous part the political authority plays in the financing of the construction of new homes and the power it has over such construction and over the disposition of such homes; the power it has over rental dwellings, about 14,000,000 or approximately one-third of all the dwelling units in the United States, through rent control; the many so-called lowrent housing projects already scattered over the Nation and much other political housing that has been and is being constructed.

The passage of H. Ř. 4009 will be a capital political victory over the economic life of the Nation, a sweeping advance on the part of the power planners toward their goal of complete regimentation, Russian style.

The title of H. R. 4009 should be "A bill to further enslave the people of the United States."





May 17, 1949.-Committed to the Committee of the Whole House on the State

of the Union and ordered to be printed

Mr. Kee, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, submitted the



(To accompany H. R. 4708)

The Committee on Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred the bill (H. R. 4708), to amend the United Nations Participation Act of 1945, having considered the same, report favorably thereon without amenda ment and recommend that the bill do pass.

Enactment of legislation containing the substance of the instant bill was recommended by the Secretary of State in a letter to the Speaker of February 7, 1949. Appropriate legislation was introduced by the Honorable Sol Bloom, late chairman of this committee, on March 1, 1949, as H. R. 3085. A similar bill containing certain modifications was introduced on May 3, 1949, as H. R. 4497. The Committee on Foreign Affairs held hearings on H. R. 4497 on May 10, 11, and 12. Testimony was given by Assistant Secretary of State Ernest A. Gross, Assistant Secretary of State Dean Rusk, and Mr. Nathaniel Goodrich of the Office of the Secretary of Defense. The committee considered the bill in detail in executive session on May 13 and decided to have the chairman introduce a new bill embodying changes approved by the committee. This new bill, H. R. 4708, was approved unanimously by the committee on May 17 and is herewith recommended to the House.

Similar legislation has been introduced in the Senate and is currently under consideration by the Committee on Foreign Relations.

Substantially similar legislation was passed by the Senate during the Eightieth Congress. The provisions thereof were included in H. R. 6802, reported to the House by this committee on June 9, 1948, but not acted upon by the House.


The general purpose of the bill is to improve United States participation in the activities of the United Nations. It seeks to do this in three general ways-(a) by strengthening representation at the top level; (6) by affirming and clarifying the legal basis for the armed services to furnish noncombatant assistance to the United Nations; and (c) by making secondary changes in detail in the basic statute under which the United States participates in United Nations activities. These three purposes are discussed subsequently in that order.


The bill would amend section 2 of the United Nations Participation Act so as to create a new post of deputy representative of the United States to the United Nations. He would be appointed by the President with senatorial confirmation and be removable by the President. He would rank as ambassador and would receive $20,000 a year. This deputy would be authorized to act for the representative in all his functions. He would be in addition to the present deputy, who is authorized to act only in Security Council matters.

The argument for this additional office is simply that the volume and diversity of the representative's work require someone authorized to share his burdens. The pressure of work on the representative is heavy at all times. When the General Assembly and the Security Council are in concurrent session, and when the time of the representative is in demand by the leaders of other delegations to the United Nations, the volume of work goes far beyond the load that two men can be expected to carry.

These normal exigencies are multiplied when illness or other temporary difficulty deprives the United States of the services of the representative and the deputy for the Security Council. At Paris last winter, for example, the representative and the deputy for Security Council matters were both ill at the samé time. The United States was left for a period without any permanent representation authorized to deal with high-level matters in the Security Council.

Consideration of the health and welfare of its servants is enough to justify and demand that the United States Government strengthen its representation at the seat of the United Nations. Beyond that, the interest of the United States itself in maintaining adequate execution of its foreign policy, irrespective of personal circumstances, makes this part of the legislation necessary.

The bill would amend section 2 of the basic act so as to authorize the representative and the deputy to serve ex officio on any organ, commission, or body of the United Nations other than specialized agencies. The purpose is simply to authorize them to divide jurisdiction by cases and subject matter rather than by agencies concerned. The stages of any particular case may involve more than one organ of the United Nations. It is in the interest of effective representation to enable the same person to follow a case through all stages. Specialized agencies—such as World Health Organization, International Labor Organization, etc.-are excepted since they have their own United States delegations and it is desirable to protect the autonomy of their functions.

The bill would enable the President to designate an official of the Department of State whose appointment is subject to senatorial con

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